Cobbett's Political Register

observed the proofs you have given in the "course of the present session of your con"stant regard for the honour of his Crown, "and the interests of his dominions; and particularly the measures which you have "adopted for strengthening his Majesty's "bands at this important conjuncture, by "the augmentation of the disposable mili"tary force of the kingdom.-GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS,-His Majesty has directed us particularly to "thank you in his Majesty's name, for the "zeaf and liberality with which you have "granted the large supplies which the ne"cessity of the public service has required. "MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,-His Ma"jesty has not yet been enabled to commu"nicate to you the result of the negotiations "in which he is engaged with powers on "the Continent; but you may rest assured "that no step will be omitted on his Majes"ty's part, for promoting such a concert as "may afford the best prospect of restoring general and permanent tranquillity; or may, if necessary, furnish the means of repelling with vigour the continued en"croachments on the part of the French government, which threaten, every day "more and more, the liberty and indepen"dence of all the nations of Europe."On this speech there is nothing to say, unless one were inclined to make an observation or two upon "the augmentation of the "disposable force of the kingdom;" but, it is not worth while. It will have been observed upon enough by every intelligent man before this sheet comes from the press. PARTIES. Since the publication of the preceding number of the Register, the following changes have taken place in the ministry. Lord Sidmouth, as President of the Council, and the Earl of Buckinghamshire, as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, have resigned their offices, which have been filled, the former by Lord Camden, and the latter by Lord Harrowby. (Lord Harrow by again!) Lord Castlereagh has succeeded Lord Camden as Secretary of State for the War Department, and still holds his office of President of the Board of Control. Thus are the Addingtons again separated from Mr. Pitt, and, as far as it has hitherto appeared, the separation has, on the part of the former, proceeded from motives which must be approved of by every honest man, of whatever party he may be. The Pitt faction, however, who have always the poison of asps under their lips, ascribe the rupture to a desire on the part of Lord Sidmouth to domineer over Mr. Pitt; and, indeed, we should not, after what we have seen, be too hasty in determining what were the motives

which did in reality produce the resignation of the Addingtons. Let us, therefore, for the present, content ourselves with carefully perusing and putting upon record, according to our hitherto useful custom, the allegations of the parties respectively. The TIMES began, on the 6th instant, by stating the grounds of Lord Sidmouth's resignation in the following words. "This important " event has caused a considerable sensation "in the public mind, which is not likely to diminish upon reflection, or a nearer investigation of the circumstances which "have led to it. They are before the country at large-self-evident, oppressed or ob"scured by no ministerial mystery or poli "tical convenience. Lord Sidmouth would "not consent to the resolution which so unfortunately has been formed by certain individuals, to subtruct a great delinquent from the laws of his country. His Lordship would not lend the sanction of "his name and authority to the disastrous scheme for diverting the course of public justice, and frustrating the prayer of the "petitions of so many great provinces and "cities. He would not concur in the un"precedented measure of rescinding, upon

a four-and-twenty hour's notice, the so"lemn vote of almost the fullest assembly " of the Commons in the memory of man, "in a house, whose total numbers scarcely "exceeded the amount of the minority on "that memorable decision. In a word, he

found it incompatible with his feelings and "his duty-with what he owed to his own "honour and the service of his Sovereign "and his country-to remain any longer a

part of an administration, some of whose "members have appeared to make it their chief object and occupation (in this extra

ordinary case), wherever they have not "been restrained by his authority, to defeat "the ends of public justice, and elude the peti"tions of the people! Upon the immediate "consequences of this important change, we "shall hazard no conjecture. We do not, "however, believe, that the place of his

lordship and his friends can be supplied "from the ranks of either the new or the "old Opposition, as the leaders of both "these parties have distinguished themselves by their adherence to the cause which has produced his resignation."Very true! Very true! but, of that more hereafter.On the evening of the same day the Pitt newspaper, the SUN, made the following. remarks: "we yesterday stopped the press "to announce to the public an event which "has been for some time expected, viz. "the resignation by Lord Sidmouth of his "office of President of the Council. We

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"should violate the principles which we "have always professed, and upon which "we have always acted, if we were to express any regret upon this occasion."We are fully sensible of the necessity of a strong and efficient administration at "this juncture; but we are convinced "that administration will lose nothing in point of strength-certainly nothing in point of vigour and efficiency - by the resignation of the noble lord. Indeed "the wavering, undecided, hollow support which the noble lord and his friends. have given to administration, has tend"ed much more to weaken than to strength"en it. It has been stated, for purposes "too obvious to be mistaken, that the conduct of Lord Sidmouth and those who act with him on the business of Lord "Melville was the sole cause of the "differences subsisting between Mr. Pitt "and his lordship; to this assertion we "can give the most decided contradiction, "although it certainly is true that their con"duct in bringing forward a motion for a "criminal prosecution, not only without "any previous concert with ministers, but even without the slightest intimation of any such intention, may have accelerated "the event which has just taken place. "Whether this resignation will lead to any accession of strength to administration "FROM ANY OTHER QUARTER, we "cannot at present take upon ourselves to "decide; but it certainly will REMOVE ONE

GREAT OBSTACLE to such an union as that to which we allude."--Will it, think you? But of that more by-and-by.

On the 10th instant the SUN returned to the subject, and made the following statement: "Lord Sidmouth's protext is, "that his conscience will not permit him to

support an impeachment, but he must "have a criminal prosecution! Can this be "believed? Can the mode of trial be a "matter of conscience? No, no. Had the. proposition supported by Mr. Pitt leen for prosecution, impeachment, no doubt, "would have been in the eyes of the Addingtons. Lord Sidmouth's conduct, in "short, can be traced to nothing but a "love of power, unaccompanied by great

or generous feelings."This brought the following re-statement from the TIMES of the 12th instant, to which re-statement I beg the reader's particular attention: "we re-state, therefore, that Lord Sidmouth, " and his friends, have resigned their high "situations, because they had not sufficient influence in the Cabinet to prevent the measures which were pursued to rescue "Lord Melville from the laws of his

country; because they would not- connive at the perpetuation and impunity of the system of abuse, and the profligate waste of the public resources, of which they opposed the latest instance in the case of the D.of Athol. Ld Sidmouth has resigned upon "the purest and broadest public principle "that ever a great statesman, or a zealous worshipper of the constitution, took for his rallying point; and we affirm, that every "virtuous Englishman will rally round his Lordship, as the SOLE and central point from which we can combat that prodigality and public corruption which we do not possess the means to support."This zeal may be excused; but, as long as the OPPOSITION shall continue to act upon the principles, which have distinguished their conduct during the discussions relative to Lord Melville, this writer can hardly suppose, that the Addington party will be the sole rallying point of the people against the abettors of corruption; for the people will not easily forget, on which side the Addingtons voted on the all-important 8th of April.. I am, however, ready to allow, that, if it shall finally appear, as at present there is every reason to hope and to believe that it will appear, that the Addingtons have resigned upon the honourable ground above stated by their friends; if this shall finally appear, I shall be the first to allow, that they have regained the ground which they lost on the 8th of April, and that they have made. an effort of public virtue that entities them to a share in the confidence of their king and the people. But, if they had remained. in the Pilt ministry, neither their professions, nor their votes upon particular occasions, would, or ought, to have availed them any thing; which observation will equally well apply, if they should, either now or at any future time, rejoin Mr. Fitt; for, as Mr. Fox observed in the debate of the 6th of May, the country is

quent." What degree of confidence they would place in persons, who, after reprobating these exertions, should join the man by whom, principally, they have been made, I leave the Addingtons and their friends to determine. They are, apparently at least, now in the path of safety and of honour. Their deliverance, when we contemplate the scene whence they have escaped, is little less fortunate than that of the family of LOT, the hankering matron of which let me, however, conjure them not to imitate, or, they may be assured, that, politically speak ing, their fate will not be less signal than hers.

Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Cover Gardeny where former Numbers may be had; sold also by J. Budd, Crown and Mitre, Pall-Mud

VOL. VIII. No. 3.]

LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY, 20, 1805.

[PRICE 10D. "William the First, King of Prussia, never, with respect to financial concerns, pardoned either negligence "or fraud. One of his Receivers, resident at Konigsbergh, having in the chest, entrusted to his care, a "considerable sum not immediately wanted for the public service, took out ten thousand efowns which he wished to apply to some private purpose. He, at the same time, deposited in the chest, a "memorandum, stating that he owed the said sum to the public, and that he would replace it in a short "space of time. The Receiver, who was a man very much esteemed, was possessed of large real estates. "The King, quite unexpectedly, visited Konigsbergh, the same day examined the chest, found the "memorandum, ascertained the deficit, and caused the Receiver to be hanged, as an unfaithful servant." THIBAULT'S Anecdotes of a 20 Year's Residence at Berlin. Vol. II. page 11.

SUMMARY OF POLITICS... ATHOL CLAIM. (continued from p. 52.) The Reports, and other printed documents, appertaining to this subject make a folio volume of no small bulk. The greater part of these must be analysed, in order to the presenting a full view of the conduct of those, through whose means the grant has been recently made to the Duke of Athol. Such a view I shall, in the course of a few weeks, endeavour to present. At present it is my intention merely to lay before my readers, the Protest entered upon the Journals of the House of Lords, accompanied with a few remarks, copied chiefly from the Morning Chronicle.- The following is a copy of the Protest." DISSENTIENT. 1st, be"cause the bill in question appears to be “grounded on the following recitals, which "have not been supported by evidence.——— "The preamble recites that the Isle of Man "was granted in Sovereignty by King Henry the 4th, and that the Sovereign " rights continued until the 5th year of his present Majesty; and it further recites, "that the Act of the 12th of George the "First, chap: 28, provided for the purchase. "of these Sovereign rights. But this

* Original of the Motto. -Guillaume. Premier, Roi de Prusse, ne pardonna jamais, sur l'article de ses finances, ni négli-, gence ni infidélité. Un de ses receveurs, Ctabli à Konigsberg, ayant, dans sa caisse, une somme considérable, sans destination ni emploi actuel, en tira dix mille écus, dont il avoit besion pour ses affaires personnelles ; il remplaça cet argent par un billet, où il déclaroit le devoir, et annonçoit qu'il le remplaceroit dans un délai très-court. Cet homine fort, estimé d'ailleurs, étoit riche en biens fonds. Guillaume arrive à l'improviste dans cette capitale, visite cette caisse dans le jour, voit le billet, constate le vide, et fait pendre le receveur comme dépositaire infidele TAIEBAULT: Mes souvenirs de vingt ans à Berlin. Tom. II. page-11.

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grant to Sir John Stanley, and the said "Act do not in point of fact convey, or "confirm, or provide for the purchase of "Sovereign rights in the Isle of Man; and "it was not denied in the course of debate "that the legislature of England had uninterruptedly legislated for internal purposes within the said Island.2d. The preamble further recites, that by a certain "deed of restriction duly executed by Char"lotte, Duchess Dowager of Athol, John, "Duke of Athol, became entitled to the

rights reserved to his family in the Isle of "Man, and hath ever since continued to

enjoy the same. But this deed when pro"duced in evidence, purports only to in"tend to convey the rents, profits, and "duties of every kind payable now forth "and from the Isle of Man;' and does not "convey any of the other rights reserved: "and it appears from evidence that the "Duchess Dowager of Athol was Lady of "the Island at the time of passing the Act of "the 5th year of his present Majesty, and "has continued to exercise part of the

rights reserved to her by that law ever "since the Act of Restriction, 1774."3d. The preamble further recites, that "there were circumstances attending the "resignation of these rights, which make it

just and reasonable that a further compen"sation should be given, and that the du"ties of customs of the Island belonged to "the family of the Duke of Athol, and that

a compensation should be given for them "to be regulated by their produce. But of "these circumstances no evidence was

given, nor was it proved to us that the du "ties in question did so belong, nor was any reason whatsoever urged in the de"bate to induce us to think that the com→

pensation (if ry was to be made) should be regulated by their produce. 2dly. "Because the reports made at various times "down to the present moment, by the law "officers of the Crown, on the subject of "the claim for further compensation in this

matter, were sanctioned and comfirmed in "the debate by the first legal authorities; and did satisfy us that we are well grounded in our opinion, that sufficient grounds have not been produced in proof that the compensation given by the Act of the 5th year of his present Majesty, chap. 26. was inadequate, Sdly. Because the vague and loose manner in which the evi"dence has been conducted of the nature "and extent of the supposed injury, or of the proposed compensation, or of the "claim of the Duke of Athol, to be considered as the party to whom that compen"sation should be granted, forms an additional ground for the jealousy which we entertain on the danger of establishing this precedent for opening for re-consideration, and at a remote period, contracts "between the public and individuals.

4thly. Because the House having thought proper to reject an amendment proposed

cival, by the then Solicitor General, Sir Thomas. (now Mr. Baron) Sutton; by Sir William Grant, now Master of the Rolls, and late first commissioner for inquiry into the claims of the Duke of Athol; by the late Lord Chancellor Rosslyn when Attorney General; by Mr. Attorney General Wallace; by Chief Justice Sir James Mansfield, when Solicitor General. In opposition to all this, however (adds the writer whose statement I have been borrowing), truth obliges us to acknowledge, that the purity and propriety of the measure has been frequently and offcially urged by Mr. Dundas, now Lord Melville; and, that it has been defended on the same grounds, by Lord Glenbervie, Lord de Blaquiere, Mr. Huskisson, Mr. Charles Long, Mr. Canning, the Heaven-born Minister, and Old George Rose.The Duke of Athol's grant is, however, a trifle in comparison to the amount of the new grants of the whole year, which is more, I think, than

"in the last clause for the purpose of sup-six times greater than that of the new grants

plying words evidently omitted by mis"take; the Act as it now stands enacts a very questionable process, and imposes severe penalties on the officers of the receipt of his Majesty's Exchequer, who "shall refuse or neglect to pay the said an"Duity, or yearly rent, or sum, or any

part thereof, according to the true in"tent and meaning of this Act, or, to do any. Act necessary to enable the said John, "Duke of Athol, and the heirs general of "the 7th Earl of Derby." But, inasmuch "as the words proposed to be here added, a viz. "to receive the same," were injected, "this part of the Act is absolutely unintelli"gible, and was admitted by every lord who spoke in the delate to be inexplicable and of no effect.-(Signal) NORFOLK, E. M.

WILLIAM.NUGENT BUCKING66 HAM. CARYSFORT."This bill has passed both, Houses of Parliament upon a recommendation of a Committee of the King's Privy Council, which committee consisted of Lord Melville, his nephew Mr. William Dundas, and two others, the petitions of the Duke having on former occasions been referred to the law-officers of the Crown! By the bill, a grant in perpetuity, estimated at 3,500). a year, out of the public purse, is made to the Athol family; and, therefore, it is worth nearly a hundred thousand pounds. This grant was opposed by the Lord Chancellor of England and, by the. Lord Chief Justice, in their places in the House of Lords. It had formerly been resisted by Lord Chancellor Thurlow when Attorney General; it was opposed, in official reports, by the precosey General, Mr. Per

of any year while Mr. Addington was minister! I do not speak positively, not having all the papers at hand; but, in my next, I propose to publish a list of the grants made since Mr. Pitt and his worthy colleague, Lord Melville, returned to power, in May, 1804. I shall exhibit names as well as dates and sums; for, it is now become absolutely pecessary for the people to see what becomes of the money that is collected from them.In the mean while, I beg leave to refer the reader to a letter of my intelligent and valuable correspondent, VERAX, which letter will be found in a subsequent page of this sheet. It is well worthy of the attention of the person to whom it is addressed; for, it is quite useless to punish delinquents, if you suffer others to continue in delinquency.The finan cial statements, laid before Parliament, are not calculated to enable the members to

know how the public money is disposed of; and, indeed, that they are perfectly nugatory as to that purpose, what other proof need we, than that which has been exhibited to the country in the sixteen years uninterrupted misapplication of the naval money by Lord Melville and Mr. Trotter; by the sums taken out by Lord Melville and expended in a way which he boldly says no one shall make him discover; by the sums lent to Boyd and Benfield, without interest, and returned again, no one can tell how, or when. Here are proofs more than sufficient of the truth of my correspondent's assertion, to wit, that the accounts as now submitted to parliament are useless for any purpose checking the minister in his disposal of the public money.But, I must beseech the

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reader to suspend his judgment till next act himself before such an audience, set up week; and, then, I trust, I shall be able to Mr. Huskisson (just as the reader has freshow, in a pretty striking light, that it was quently seen, upon occasions not very disnot in mere car and catamaran projects, that similar, out of doors), while the great man Mr. Pitt and Lord Melville were engaged himself sat by, examined the documents, last summer. The reader will see, too, and gave his prescriptions.-There was something to convince him, that Lord Auck- little of prescription to give, however; for, land's attention to the financial interests of Mr. Johnstone and Mr. Huskisson appeared the nation does not make him forget his to have come to a previous understanding; own interests. In short, a scene very strik- the matter was, therefore, very speedily seting, and deeply interesting to the people will tled; the Speaker put the question upon be exhibited; and, after the exhibition, let each resolution; the "unanimity," as in those who are still willing to support Mr. the Critic, was wonderful." The AYES Pitt grumble as long as they please about had it every time, without a single dissenttaxes; let them groan; the only subject foring voice; and thus closed the session as to sorrow will be, that he does not actually squeeze them to death.

FINANCE RESOLUTIONS.- -On Thursday last, the 12th instant, Mr. Johnstone brought forward his resolutions on the subject of finance.The reader will recollect, that Mr. Tierney used annually to submit a string of these resolutions.to the House; which resolutions it was the custom for the minister to supplant by a string of his own, giving a representation more favourable of the resources of the country. Both strings were annually entered in the votes of the House, and thus were sent on their journey to posterity, bearing with them that precious deposit, the fame of their respective authors! Mr. Johnstone, captivated, apparently, with this easy way of securing immortality, seized upon the office last year, Mr. Tierney having filled himself and dropped off the year before.There was, however, something curious, if not bordering upon the ridiculous, in the bringing forward of the resolutions this year. Notice of Mr. Johnstone's, in

tention was given about six weeks ago; and, it will be recollected, (see Vol. VII. p. 960) that Mr. Pitt, in the debate upon Mr. Grey's motion, intimated, that when the resolutions should be brought forward, he should take an opportunity of showing how flourishing the state of the public resources were. The actual production of the resolutions was postponed from time to time, until the day above-mentioned, when Mr. Johnstone rising, with perfect seriousness, introduced them with the observation, that, as he understood no very material objection would be made to them, he should not detain the House by any exposition of either the principles or the detail, upon which he had proceeded in the framing of them; an observation the necessity of which was by no means apparent, seeing that, of the sir hundred and fifty-eight members, there were only nine, including the Speaker, to listen to him! Mr. Pitt, not thinking proper to

the subject of finance. We, however, who have another long and dreary year of taxes to toil through, may, and, doubtless, we shall, as opportunity serves, return to this important subject; and, I think, we shall discover, that the resolutions of Mr. Johnstone, even with the great Mr. Huskisson's emendations, are very little calculated to enable us to judge of the real state of our financial concerns, though, if intended to anuse the city vulgar, they may not prove entirely useless.I entertain great respect for Mr. Johnstone. On several occasions he has eminently distinguished himself as a member of parliament, mindful of his great duty, a scrupulous watchfulness over the pecuniary interests of the people; and, I remember with particular satisfaction, his conduct during the debate upon Mr. Creevy's motion relative to Mr. Fordyce, which Mr. Fordyce has, by-the-bye, too long escaped the notice of my readers. But, in proportion as I respect Mr. Johnstone's talents and character, I lament, and must lament, to see him a sort of co-operator with Mr. Huskisson in any thing, and, especially in the framing and bringing forward of resolutions, such as those of which I have been speaking.

SWEDEN AND PRUSSIA. The backwardness which, all at once, became apparent, in the conduct of Sweden, about five months ago, the reader will now find pretty satisfactorily accounted for, in the State Paper, inserted in the foregoing sheet, .p. 47. Sweden would have taken our money; but, Prussia would not let her Never was there a clearer or a shorter case! The vigour of Lord Harrowby and Mr. Pitt' had, we now see, well nigh succeeded in rouzing the gallant young monarch to the acceptance of a subsidy, before, as it is now evident, there was the least reason to hope, that it would be of any use to us, or to any body else. -Lord Harrowby is now come back to us again; not in the same office, it is true;

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