ters there are two things ever to be kept in mind. The one is, that are were pe.fectly sccare, without the naval victory: the other, that we were, and still are, aiding in a war upon the Continent, not for our own interest ur security, but purely for the sake of the paivers of the Continent. It follows, then, that we derive no additional security from the naval victory; and that, the millions raisca upon us for subsidies this year, are given away, and not expended for any purpose beneficial to us. Observe, that this is no opinion of mine; it is a fair and inevita-Ide conclusion, drawn from the assertions of the writers, who are devoted to the ministry.

But, the fact is, that these writers, true to the character of their sect, are hypocrites; hypocrites of the lowest cast. They believe not a word of what they say here; or they have, upon former occasions, most grossly belied their consciences. For, can the public have forgotten, with what exultation they hailed the continental war; and how anxious they were to convince their readers, that that war, caused by Mr. Pitt, had put an end, at least for a while, to the dangers of invasion?"Like the vast prepa"rations of Caligula" (said they, atter having spoken of Buonaparte's being called off by the Austrians and Russians), "the "mighty threats of Buonaparté are now "turned to his scorn. The design of inThe design of in"vasion, which, not long since, ministers "knew to be seriously entertained, appears "now to be, at least for a time, completely "abandoned." [And this, observe, without any naval victory, and merely by the means of the sound of war upon the Continent] Having no longer 200,000 dis"ciplined soldiers placed in a position, "from which they might pour in upon us, " in a few hours of favourable coincidence;

having the advantage of acting with allies, capable of engaging the vast armies that were to be poured down upon us, horde "after horde, 'till we should be consumed " even by continued victories, if we should "be fortunate enough to gain them; we "have now to congratulate ourselves, that "the time is arrived, when we can, with "effect, act on the offensive, and alarm the threatener with invasion in our turn." And, yet, they have now the assurance to tell the readers, to whom this was addressed, that England stood in no need of -a continental diversion; that we entertained o apprehension for ourselves; that we do not wage war to achieve our security, but to enable the powers of the Continent to achieve theirs! Nor, must we here forget to recur to the picture ofDisintation, as

exhibited by these writers, after the defeat and capture of the Austrians, and, upon the supposition that the continental war might soon be at an end. "Austria gone, her "armies anihilated, Russia can do nothing

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against France, and Prussia may be de"terred from stirring; the war on the Con"tinent will be at an end, and the hordes " of French soldery, inflamed by their successes, will return to the coasts opposite England, from whence invasion will be attempted; &c. &c." Yet have these same writers now the profligate assurance to pretend, that we never entertained any ap prehensions for ourselves; and never stood in need of a diversion upon the Continent! For the reasons which will naturally suggestthemselves to the readers of these comments, I am decidedly of opinion, that the powers, friendly to us upon the Continent, will receive but little animation from, these naval victories. They will perceive, that our suc cess, and especially our acquisition of additional naval glory, will vex the ambitious Napoleon, and will retard his operations against us; but, they will also perceive, that we shall by our naval exertions, produce very little, if any, effect in their favour. They have recently witnessed the inefficacy: of maritime victories in deciding the fate of powers upon the Continent. The peace of Amicus, the Stadtholder, and the King of Sardinia, are constantly before their eyes e they well know, that the victory of Trafal gar, though purchased by the death of Nelson, will not prevent a single battalion of Frenchmen from crossing the Rhine or the Alps; and they are equally confident, that,: if defeated in the field by Napoleon, they will not, in treating for peace, be suffered even to pronounce the name of England.Is there, besides, nothing, after all, of drawback, in the loss of Lord Nelson! That he was not, to England, of an importance equal to that of Napoleon to France, may be, perhaps, allowed; but, that his value. was very great indeed, there will be nobody found to deny. Where shall we find a man to replace him? There may be men as able; many as brave; a few as much above all private considerations, as much devoted to glory, and who as much identify their glory with the real service of their country. But.. where is there a man, who will have so much authority in the service, who can venture so much to act for himself, whose name will inspire so much confidence in those under him, and so much terror in his enemies? Am I asked: for what would you reserve him? What, after all, could he do but obtain victories over the enemy's feets?

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My answer is, that, according to all human probability, contests are in store for us, of far more importance than any that can happen at this moment; in which contests succes, or failure, may decide the fate of the country, and where success or failure may themselves be decided by the difference of such a man as Lord Nelson compared with any one likely to be substituted in his room, particularly if we are to judge from what we have lately seen. The loss incurred in the death of Lord Nelson, certainly ought not to be cited as an article of charge against the ministers. They could do no otherwise than employ Lord Nelson; and, for that very reason, as they incur no blame for his death, they can claim no praise for his victory.----In concluding this article (the length of which will prevent me from offering some remarks that it was my wish to offer upon the recent intelligence from the Continent) I cannot refrain from returning, for a moment, to the malicious charge, referred against me by the SUN, of endeavouring to depress the "hopes of the public, and to throw a gloom over our national prospects." If those hopes are well founded; if those prospects be, in the eye of reason, bright; it is impossible for me, or any one else, really to depress the former or to throw a gloom over the latter. But, as was before observed, this is the hackneyed charge against all those who express their fears of the consequences of events, be they what they niay, that happen during the administration of Mr. Pitt. It is for him, and not for the country, that the charge is made. If you apprehend evil, you are regarded as his ассиser, rather than which you may be guilty of all the crimes that ever were heard of.There is a pretty, cant phrase, in great vogue in the purlieus of Whitehall and St. James's Street, about "hoping for the best." Agreed: but, this phrase used to mean, hoping for the best that reason teaches us to hope for; and, not for the best that our imaginations happen to furnish us with, which deserves no name better than that of a wish; between which and hope there is a great difference.The following paragraph, from the ministerial papers of the 1st instant, may be cited as a happy specimen of their mode of "6 hoping for the "best," and “ keeping up the spirits of the "nation." I quote my favourite print, the COURIER. In the mean time" [having just been speculating upon the means of retrieving affairs in Germany, and completely oversetting the French Emperor :] "In the mean time, the attention of every "man is anxiously directed to the move"ments of the Prussian Cabinet. Captain

"Johnson, of the ship Venus, arrived at "Grimsby, from Tonningen, reported on "his arrival, that previous to his departure " from Tonningen it was stated, that the "Prussian army had been united to that of "Russia, which had marched and joined "the Austrians; that the three armies com"bined had completely surrounded those of“. "France, over whom they obtained a vic

tory, and after retaking Uln, pursued "the enemy with every prospect of further success. Captain Johnson was called upon to appear before the Mayor of Hull, "and swear to the report, as it prevailed at Tonningen. He immediately did so, "and his affidavit was yesterday morning "received in town, from the Collector of "the Customs at Hull, by a Gentleman of "the Custom-house in London."--A most proper channel, through which to receive such an oath! Verily, the nation, to keep up whose spirits such means are resorted to, must be in a desperate way. Yet, if any one had, upon the spot, scouted this story, he would have been accused of depressing the hopes of the public.-I now take my leave of this subject, with just asking the reader, whether he can conceive any thing more dangerous, than to proclaim, at a moment like this, that our danger is now all over; that we are not fighting for our own security, but for that of the states upon the Continent; and, that, of course, the subsidies raised, and to be raised, upon us, are to be expended for no purpose, beneficial to us? Botley, Thursday, 14th Nov, 1805. S

PUBLIC PAPERS. DISPUTE WITH AMERICA. Correspondence of Mr. King, with Lord Hawkesbury. (Concluded from p. 730)

Downing-street, April 11, 1801. SIR,-I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 13th of last month, and to inform you that, in consequence of the representation contained in it, a letter has been written, by his Majesty's command, by his Grace the Duke of Portland, to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty: a copy of which letter I herewith enclose to you, for the information of the govt. of the U. States. HAWKESBURY.

Whitehall, 30th March, 1801.

MY LORD, I transmit to your lordships herewith a copy of the decree of the ViceAdmiralty Court of Nassau, condemning the cargo of an American vessel going from the United States to a port in the Spanish, colonies: and the said decree having been referred to the consideration of the King's advocate-general, your lordships will per

this subject were not yet broken off, when Austria, faithful to the system of annihilating the independence of Bavaria, violated the most sacred treaties, passed the Inn with her army, and treated you as the inhabitants of a conquered country. The most burthensome requisitions were made. You were deprived of the instruments the most necessary to your industry, even those of your agriculture. Your fields were laid waste ; your cattle were carried forcibly away; you were inundated with a depreciated paper money; even a great number of your sons were forced to serve under the colours of Austria. After an invasion so perfidious, after outrages so unheard of, it became my dignity, as a Prince and protector of the nafion, to take up arms, and to deliver the country from its oppressors.-The Emperor of the French, the natural ally of Bavaria, flies to your succour with his intrepid warriors. He comes to avenge us. Already your brothers and your sons fight in the ranks of these heroes, habituated to victory; and, already, we see the dawn of our safety.Bavarians! You, who patiently bear the evils which the enemies of the country heap upon you, remember your. Prince, who knows your sufferings, who shares them; and who cannot support the idea of being separated from you, but in the persuasion, that, by preserving his personal liberty, he has secured to himself the means of acting with an absolute independence for his dear and faithful subjects. Our good cause is under the protection of a just God, and of a courageous army, commanded by an invincible hero! Let the rallying word of every Bavarian be," for his Frince and his country!"

(Signed) MAX. JOSEPH, Elector.

PRUSSIA AND FRANCE-Note transmitted by the Prussian Minister, Baron de Hardenberg, to M. Duroc and M. Laforest. Dated Berlin, Oct. 14, 1805.

The King has commanded me to communicate what follows to his Excellency Marshal Duroc, and to M. Laforest, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of his Majesty the Emperor of the French: -His Majesty is uncertain, whether he should be more surprised at the outrages which the French armies have taken the liberty of committing in his provinces, or at the extraordinary arguments by which it is attempted, at this day, to justify them. Prussia had declared her neutrality; but, adhering to the last to her prior engagements, all the advantages of which henceforth would be in favour of France, she made sacrifices to them which might have endangered her dearest interests. This invariable integrity, this

degree expensive to France, produced to her an invaluable degree of security on many es sential points; how has it been repaid? Justly jealous of that consideration, which is no less due to his power than to his quality, the King has read, with sensations which he has in vain endeavoured to suppress, the justificatory dispatch communicated by the French ambassador to his cabinet.-A justi fication is attempted upon the authority of the practice of the last wars, and the simila rity of circumstances; as if the exceptions which were then admitted had not been founded upon positive acts, which have been since annulled by the peace; as if the Emperor ever took those acts into his consideration, when he took possession of the country of Hanover, of a country that had been so long placed under the protection of Prussia! But ignorance of our intentions is pleaded, as if the intention did not exist in the nature of the transaction, so long as the contrary is not stipulated? As if the solemn protestations of the authorities of the province, and of the minister of his Majesty to his Highness the Elector of Bavaria, had not suffi ciently made known what was by no means necessary, and that I myself, with the map in my hand, in the conferences which I had with their Excellencies M. Duroc and M. De Laforest, had not declared that no troops whatever should pass through the Margraviates, pointing out to them, at the same time, the route of communication, that Bavaria had stipulated for herself, as the only one in which the march of the troops was not likely to meet with any obstruction! It has been said, that in matters of such importance, a positive explanation should take place, as if that were a duty incumbent on the power which reposed in confidence on the faith of a principle, and not upon that which intended to subvert it. In short, a pretext is made of facts, which have never had any other foundation than in false reports: and in imputing outrages to the Austrians, which they have never committed; the observations of his Majesty are only di..

rected to the contrast which their conduct offers to that of the French armies.-The King could have even drawn from this con- i trast, conclusions more unfavourable respect← · ing the intentions of the Emperor. He will confine himself to the reflection, that his Imperial Majesty had, at least, his reasons for considering the positive engagements which existed between him and Prussia, as of no importance in his eyes, under the present circumstances; and that he himself was consequently on the point of sacrificing every.. thing to adhere to his engagements. He