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were tinged of a golden colour, and was informed that a similar thing occurred in the island of Cephalonia. The same phenomenon sometimes occurs in some of the northern parts of this island, as has been remarked by Boetheus and Pennant. This is probably a pyrituous incrustation, which may occur in many places.

Agricola is respectfully informed that Mr. Forsyth is going forward with his work as fast as circumstances will permit, though much more slowly than the friends of useful improvements could wish. The pamphlet has been long out of print.

To the Readers of this Work.

THE readers of this work are respectfully informed, that the whole of the present volume has been printed on paper that cost at least twenty, and the last three numbers no less than fifty per cent. above its former price. This enormous advance having been, without a doubt, chiefly occasioned by the destructive speculations of monied men, the Editor was in hopes that the law might have been made to reach them, and thus to protect the public from their gripe even before this time; in which hope he delayed to follow the example of most publishers, who in general have found it necessary to raise the price of a shilling pamphlet to eighteen pence. As there does not however appear to be an immediate prospect of any fall (though rags have dropped in price considerably) he finds himself reluctantly constrained to lay an additional sixpence upon each number of the common, and one shilling on the fine copies of this work, which will commence with the XIII number. But he pledges himself, that as soon as the paper shall drop to within fifteen per cent. of its former price, he will give an additional sheet with each number, as he finds many of his readers are desirous to have such an augmentation; and this, he thinks, must take place before it be long.

He cannot omit embracing this opportunity of exprefsing his warmest wish that this and similar instances of culpable engrossing, so destructive to the well being of society, may attract the strongest attention of parliament, of judges, and the public. A commanding capital in trade,

when it is honestly applied for the purposes of a legitimate commerce, is, without a doubt, of great public utility; but, when such capitals are employed in speculations tending to enhance the price of the common necefsaries of life, they became in the highest degree pernicious: nor does he know any kind of injustice that can be compared with it; because its influence extends much wider than any other. A robber or a highwayman only pillages a few individuals; but a person of such a description lays a whole country under contribution; not, like Bonaparte, for public uses, but merely for the purpose of private emolument. Justly then are such persons held in execration at all times; but in a season of scarcity like the present, when every thing that deranges the public economy, and deprives the industrious labourer of the honest means of earning a subsistence for himself and family is productive of such extensive misery, it becomes most eminently opprefsive; and therefore its operations deserve to be watched by all orders of persons with a double degree of attention, that the offenders may not be suffered to escape justice. Nor is this duty confined to legislators, judges, and magistrates alone, but it extends to every individual in his private capacity: for it ought never to be forgotten, that we in vain do call upon our legislators for wise laws, unless the facts on which these laws should be grounded are laid before them. In vain do we look up to judges or magistrates for énforcing the most salutary laws, unless the facts which tend to infringe these laws are faithfully presented to them; so that the power of the law in a great measure depends upon the exertions of individuals to bring forward such facts as come within their own individual knowledge respectively: nor should any one shrink back from such a disclosure from an idea of the invidiousness of the office. It is a duty from which he can by no means withdraw himself without being guilty of a crime of the deepest dye. It is painful to the judge, no doubt, to decree the necessary punishment to criminals, but his duty requires him to do it with a firm and steady hand. In like manner every individual who knowing facts of this nature allows them to pass unnoticed, becomes a participator in the crime: he becomes, in fact, a participator in treason, treason of the deepest dye; treason against the public, against industry and helpless innocence. Let us not then complain of legislators, of judges, or magistrates, for allowing such crimes to pass unpunished, while we ourselves individually relinquish the post that is afsigned to us, by culpably leaving these magistrates unsupported where it became our duty to aid them. I therefore call upon every individual, not to look to others, but himself in the first place, and desire him fairly and openly to state such facts

tending to prove criminal ingrofsing of any kind, as fall within his own knowledge, and when he has thus discharged his own duty, and not before, he is entitled to call upon others to do the same.

The crime of engrossing has obtained much opprobrium and popular abuse in this country: but it would seem too little serious discussion, for never was the evil perhaps carried to such a height as at the present moment; and, if it be not now opposed with the most steady fortitude, there is reason to fear that other monied men, seeing the immense succefs of such speculations, may be induced to fall into that line, and thus effectually derange the whole economy of the state, by involving the industrious poor in misery and distrefs, which no exertions of theirs can ever countervail; by exalting a few to such a height of wealth as to enable them to pollute the streams of justice, and thus give rise to all those disorders which dissoluteness of morals, inordinate ambition, and immoderate wealth so necefsarily engender. It is an evil, therefore, of the most serious kind, which it behoves every person, whatever his sta tion or situation in life may be, to use every exertion in his power to reprefs it: not in one line, but in every line of business in which it can be discovered.

Contemplating the nature of this crime, I think I can perceive one mode of thinking which prevails in this country in respect to the distribution of justice, which, if not adverted to, must have a tendency to disarm the law of its terrors where culprits of this nature are brought before a judge. It is a prevailing principle, I think, that runs through all the decisions of law, that where a culprit is brought to trial, the jury have not a right to award a fine by way of punishment, but merely by way of damages; and that they cannot give an award for a greater sum than to the amount of the damage the prosecutor can instruct that he has sustained. But it is easy to see, that were a principle of this sort to be applied to engrofsers, it must give them a great chance of impunity; for, from the nature of their operations, the loss that each individual sustains is small, but it reaches an immense multitude. If ten thousand persons have been damaged to the amount of forty shillings each, and one should prosecute and cast the defender, what would it avail to fine him forty shillings, even if the expences of the prosecution be added to it? He would consider it as nothing, while he was permitted to pocket the remainder of his ill-got wealth. But if a judge or a jury were authorised to take into their view the whole circumstances of the case, and to award a fine as a punishment, to the amount perhaps of forty or fifty thousand pounds, where they were satisfied that the gains thus obtained had

amounted to such a sum upon the whole, and would not prove ruinous to the culprit, with a power, especially in such times as the present, to apply that fine towards purchasing food for the poor, it would operate as a check that would have a powerful tendency to repress such destructive speculations. That something of this kind is wanted, no one who reflects seriously upon the subject can deny; but I am too little skilled in matters of this kind to be able to prescribe the mode in which it could be properly effected. The crime, when the extent of it is contemplated, may be considered as but yet in its infancy in this kingdom. As new crimes spring up, new laws become necessary to reprefs them. The swindling act is, on this account, but of modern date: the evil of which I complain, in the present state of this country, threatens to be of much greater prejudice to the nation than swindling; and it will be found to be so, if not very timeously adverted to by those who have the power and the skill to devise a proper mode of repressing it. In calling the attention of the public to this subject at the present time (February 1800) I have discharged, as an individual, the duty that falls upon me respecting it, and I thus record it, that it may remain as a memorial tơ future times.

As many correspondents have exprefsed a wish that a greater proportion of this work should be appropriated to agriculture, let them be informed, that when the additional sheet shall be given (which, it is to be hoped, will be very soon) the boundaries of the agricultural department will be extended in a greater proportion than the others. This is as far as the Editor thinks he can be an thorised to go, without infringing on the plan held out to the public in his prospectus, which be cannot think he is authorised to do, without a just imputation of having acted unfairly by many who confided in him.

The favour of G. H. N. is come to hand, and shall be transmitted to Madras the first opportunity.

J. W Cn is respectfully informed that a private answer shall be sent as soon as the necessary inquiries can be made.

Acknowledgments to other Correspondents deferred for want of room.

END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.

T. BENSLEY, Printer, Bolt Court, Fleet Street, London.

ABUTMENTS, origin and ufes of in Go- Bakewell, reasons why he did not push

Animalcula infusoria preserved by desicca- Byssus revived after being dried, 263.