are bred to make love, to hunt, and to fight: and, if any of them should acquire knowledge fuperior to this, they would acquire that which might be prejudicial to themselves, but could not become beneficial to their country. The affairs of ftate are trufted to other hands. Some have rifen to them by drudging long in business: fome have been made minifters almost in the cradle: and the whole power of the government has been abandoned to others in the dotage of life. There is a monarchy, an abfolute monarchy too, I mean that of China, wherein the adminiftration of the government is carried on, under the direction of the prince, ever fince the dominion of the Tartars has been established, by several claffes of Mandarins, and according to the deliberation and advice of feveral orders of councils: the admiffion to which claffes and orders, depends on the abilities of the candidates, as their rife in them depends on the behaviour they hold, and the improvements they make afterwards. Under fuch a government, it is neither impertinent nor ridiculous, in any of the fubjects who are invited by their circumstances, or pushed to it by their talents, to make the history of their own and of other countries a political study, and to fit themselves by this and all other ways for the service of the public. It is not dangerous neither; or an honour, that outweighs the danger, attends it; fince private men have a right by the ancient conftitution of this government, as well as councils of ftate, to reprefent to the prince the abuses of his administraI 4

tion.

LET. V. tion. But ftill men have not there the fame occafion to concern themselves in the affairs of the ftate, as the nature of a free government gives to the members of it. In our own country, for in our own the forms of a free government at leaft are hitherto preferved, men are not only defigned for the public fervice by the circumftances of their fituation, and their talents, all which may happen in others: but they are defigned to it by their birth in many cases; and in all cafes they may dedicate themselves to this service, and take, in different degrees, fome fhare in it, whether they are called to it by the prince or no. In abfolute governments, all public fervice is to the prince, and he nominates. all those that ferve the public. In free governments, there is a distinct and a principal service due to the state. Even the king, of fuch a limited monarchy as ours, is but the first servant of the people. Among his fubjects, fome are appointed by the conftitution, and others are elected by the people, to carry on the exercife of the legislative power jointly with him, and to controul the executive power independently on him. Thus, your Lordship is born a member of that order of men, in whom a third part of the supreme power of the government refides: and your right to the exercise of the power belonging to this order not being yet opened, you are chofen into another body of men, who have different power and a different conftitution, but who poffefs another third part of the supreme legislative authority, for as long a time as the

com

commiffion or truft delegated to them by the people lafts. Free-men, who are neither born to the first, nor elected to the last, have a right however to complain, to represent, to petition, and, I add, even to do more in cafes of the utmost extremity. For fure there cannot be a greater abfurdity, than to affirm, that the people have a remedy in refiftance, when their prince attempts to enflave them; but that they have none, when their representatives fell themselves

and them.

The fum of what I have been faying is, that, in free governments, the public fervice is not confined to those whom the prince appoints to different pofts in the administration under him; that there the care of the ftate is the care of multitudes; that many are called to it in a particular manner by their rank, and by other circumstances of their fituation;---and that even those whom the prince appoints are not only answerable to him; but, like him, and before him, to the nation, for their behaviour in their feveral pofts. It can never be impertinent nor ridiculous therefore in fuch a country, whatever it might be in the abbot of St Real's, which was Savoy I think; or in Peru, under the Incas, where, Garcilaffo de la Vega fays, it was lawful for none but the nobility to study---for men of all degrees to inftruct themselves in thofe affairs wherein they may be actors, or judges of thofe that act, or controulers of those that judge. On the contrary, it is incumbent on every man to inftruct himself, as well as the

means

means and opportunities he has permit, concerning the nature and interefts of the governments, and those rights and duties that belong to him, or to his fuperiors, or to his inferiors. This in general; but in particular, it is certain, that the obligations under which we lie to serve our country increase, in proportion to the ranks we hold, and the other circumstances of birth, fortune, and that fituation that call us to this fervice; and, above all, to the talents which God has given us to perform it.

It is in this view that I fhall addrefs to your Lordship whatever I have further to fay on the study of history.

From what period Modern History is peculiarly ufeful to the service of our country, viz. From the end of the fifteenth century to the prefent.

The divifion of this into three particular periods;

In order to a sketch of the history and state of Europe from that time.

SINC

INCE then you are, my Lord, by your birth, by the nature of our government, and by the talents God has given you, attached for life to the fervice of your country; fince genius alone cannot enable you to go through this fer

vice with honour to yourself and advantage to your country, whether you fupport or whether you oppose the administrations that arife; fince a great flock of knowledge, acquired betimes and continually improved, is neceffary to this end; and fince one part of this stock muft be collected from the study of history, as the other part is to be gained by obfervation and experience; I come now to speak to your Lordship of fuch history as has an immediate relation to the great duty and bufinefs of your life, and of the method to be observed in this ftudy. The notes I have by me, which were of fome little ufe thus far, ferve me no farther, and I have no books to confult. No matter; I fhall be able to explain my thoughts without their affiftance, and lefs liable to be tedious. I hope to be as full and as exact on memory alone, as the manner in which I fhall treat the fubject requires me to be.

I fay then, that, however clofely affairs are linked together in the progreffion of governments, and how much foever events that follow are dependent on those that precede, the whole connexion diminishes to fight as the chain lengthens; till at last it seems to be broken, and the links that are continued from that point bear no proportion nor any fimilitude to the former. I would not be understood to speak only of thofe great changes that are wrought by a concurrence of extraordinary events; for inftance, the expulfion of one nation, the destruction of one government, and the establishment

of