hausts the revenues of the crown, not only to satisfy his own lustful desires, but the luxury of others; and, by emptying the veins the blood should run in, he hath cast the body of the kingdom into a high consumption. Infinite sums of money, and mass of land exceeding the value of money, nay, even contributions in parliament, have been heaped upon him; and how have they been employed? Upon costly furniture, sumptuous feasting, and magnificent building, the visible evidences of the express exhausting of the state! And yet his ambition," proceeded Eliot, alluding darkly to more dreadful charges, "which is boundless, resteth not here, but, like a violent flame, bursteth forth, and getteth further scope. Not satisfied with injuries and injustice, and dishonouring of religion, his attempts go higher, - to the prejudice of his sovereign. The effects I fear to speak, and fear to think. I end this passage, as Cicero did in a like case, -ne gravioribus utar verbis quam rei natura fert, aut levioribus quam causæ necessitas postulat." The closing passage of Eliot's speech was tremendous, and must have electrified the house. "Your lordships have an idea of the man, what he is in himself, what in his affections! You have seen his power, and some, I fear, have felt it! You have known his practice; and have heard the effects. It rests then to be considered what, being such, he is in reference to the king and state-how compatible or incompatible with either? In reference to the king, he must be styled the canker in his treasure; in reference to the state, the moth of all goodness. What future hopes are to be expected, your lordships may draw out of his actions and affections. In all precedents I can hardly find him a match or parallel. None so like him as Sejanus, thus described by Tacitus: - Audax sui obtegens, in alios criminator, juxta adulator et superbus. My lords, for his pride and flattery it was noted of Sejanus that he did clientes suos provinciis adornare. Doth not this man the like? Ask England, Scotland, and Ireland, and they will tell you! Sejanus's pride was so excessive, Tacitus saith, that he neglected all counsel, mixed his business and service with the prince, seemed to confound their actions, and was often styled imperatoris laborum socius. How lately, and how often, hath this man commixed his actions, in discourse, with actions of the king! My lords, I have done. YouU SEE THE MAN! By him came all these evils; in him we find the cause; on him we expect the remedies; and to this we met your lordships in conference." 1 We feel with Eliot on this point. The reader is referred to a forcible passage in Mr. Brodie's History of the British Empire, vol. ii. pp. 43, 44. I have satisfied myself respecting Mr. Brodie's proof, by referring to the MS. in the Ayscough Collection of the British Museum, No. 4991. p. 206. The rage of the king, when told of Eliot's speech, betrayed him. In a manuscript letter of the time the writer alludes to the unseemly anger displayed as "private news which I desire you to keep to yourself as your own, by separating this half sheet, and burning it or concealing it." The allusion to the death of his father, and to Sejanus, had strangely affected Charles. "Implicitly," he exclaimed, "he must intend me for Tiberius!" - and he hurried to the house of lords to complain of sir John Eliot. Then began those cruel persecutions which Eliot had foreseen, and prepared himself for, and which were only exhausted at last in the death of their illustrious object. He was that day committed close prisoner to the Tower; and, by an odd kind of chance, which may be worth noting for some of my readers, was flung into the dungeon which, after a few short months, received Felton, Buckingham's assassin.2 Digges was also committed. The house of commons, on hearing of this gross breach of privilege (the first of that series of open and undisguised outrages which brought Charles to the scaffold), broke up instantly, notwithstanding a very heavy press of business before them; and, after dinner, many members met in Westminster Hall, “sadly communicating their minds to one another." 1 The following morning they met in the house; but when the speaker reminded them of the business of the day, - "Sit down! sit down!" was the general cry: no business till we are righted in our liberties!"2 A sullen silence succeeded, which was broken by the memorable expostulation of sir Dudley Carleton, the king's vice-chamberlain. Unadvisedly he let the court secret out! After complaining of the violent and contemptuous expressions resorted to by Eliot and Digges, he blurted forth as follows: beseech you, gentlemen, move not his majesty with trenching on his prerogative, lest you bring him out of love with parliaments. In his messages he hath told you, that if there were not correspondency between him and you, he should be enforced to use new counsels. Now, I pray you to consider what these new counsels are, and may be. I fear to declare those that I conceive. In all Christian kingdoms you know that parliaments were in use anciently, until the monarchs began to know their own strength, and, seeing the tur 1 Harleian MSS. 383. Letter of Mead, dated May 11. The writer subsequently says that sir Robert Cotton had told him that the king's affection towards the duke "was very admirable - no whit lessened." When Charles indeed came in his barge from Whitehall to order Eliot to the Tower, Buckingham sat by his side! MS. letter to Mead. 2 "As Felton the last weeke passed through Kingston-upon-Thames, an old woman bestowed this salutation upon him: Now God blesse thee, little David, quoth she; meaning he had killed Goliah. He hath hitherto (saith my author) been fairly used in the Tower, being put into the same lodging where sir John Eliot lay, and allowed two dishes of meat every meal." Harleian MSS. 390. Felton was a miserable enthusiast, who revenged upon Buckingham only a private wrong. But his name deserves honour for the memory of one striking incident at the close of his unhappy life. I quote it from Ellis's Original Letters, vol. iii. p. 267. second edit.:"Another friend told me that on Tuesday morning, some of the lords being with him, my lord of Dorset told him, 'Mr. Felton, it is the king's pleasure you should be put to torture, to make you confesse your complices; and therefore prepare yourself for the rack.' To whom Felton: I do not believe, my lord, that it is the king's pleasure: for he is a just and a gracious prince, and will not have his subjects to be tortured against law. I do again affirm, upon my salvation, that my purpose was known to no man living; and more than I have said before I cannot. But if it be his majesty's pleasure, I am ready to suffer whatever his majesty will have inflicted upon me. Yet this I must tell you by the way, that if I be put upon the rack I will accuse you, my lord of Dorset, and none but yourself. So they left him there without bringing him to the rack." The letter writer might have gone farther, for this was not all. To excuse themselves from the possible supposition that they could have been influenced in this case by terror, the judges were ordered to deliver a de. cision that "no such punishment as the rack is known or allowed by our law." We owe this to Felton. "I 1 Harleian MSS. 383. Letter to Mead, dated May 12. 2 Ibid. See also Rushworth, vol. i. p. 358., and Parliamentary History, vol. vii. p. 159., for other accounts of this scene. bulent spirit of their parliaments, at length they, by little and little, began to stand upon their prerogatives, and at last overthrew the parliaments throughout Christendom, except here only with us. And, indeed, you would count it a great misery, if you knew the subjects in foreign countries as well as myself, to see them look not like our nation, with store of flesh on their backs, but like so many ghosts, and not men, being nothing but skin and bones, with some thin cover to their nakedness, and wearing only wooden shoes on their feet; so that they cannot eat meat, or wear good clothes, but they must pay and be taxed unto the king for it. This is a misery beyond expression, and that which yet we are free from." Poor sir Dudley had scarcely delivered himself of this when his ears were saluted with loud and unwelcome shouts "Το the bar! to the bar!" He narrowly escaped the necessity of apologising at the bar on his knees. Ultimately Digges, coy patriot, having consented to retract certain expressions complained of, was released. Eliot, on the other hand, coldly and sternly refused to listen to any proposals; and the king, unable to keep up the struggle, was obliged, after the expiration of eight days, to sign a warrant for his release. On his reappearance in the house, the vice-chamberlain, by his master's command, repeated the charge of intemperate language; upon which sir John, instead of denying anything he had said, or meanly endeavouring to explain away the harshness of the terms he had made use of, in a remarkably eloquent and sarcastic speech avowed and defended every name he had applied to Buckingham.2 The spirit of this great man communicated itself to the house; and, by a unanimous vote, refusing even to order him to withdraw 1, they cleared him from every imputation. 1 Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 6. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 359. Parl. Hist. vol. vii. p. 159. 2 Hatsell's Precedents. For a report of sir John's speech, see Rushworth, vol. i. p. 362.; and Parl. Hist. vol. vii. p. 165. The latter is more. full and correct. I quote a striking passage: "For the words, the man, he said, he spoke not by the book, but suddenly. For brevity's sake he used the words, The man. He thought it not fit at all times to reiterate his titles; and yet thinketh him not to be a god." In conclusion, Eliot touched with a modest and manly forbearance on the old charge against him. "For the manner of his speech, as having too much vigour and strength he said he could not excuse his natural defects: but he then endeavoured, and ever did in that house, to avoid passion; and only desired to do his duty." Charles, nothing taught by this egregious failure, continued to play the minion to Buckingham, who had now resolved, by another dissolution, to throw for his only chance of safety. This was, indeed, a desperate step, and so Charles would seem to have considered it; but his fears, his consciousness of the injuries he was committing on his subjects, every thing sank before the influence of the favourite. "The duke being in the audience chamber, private with the king, his majesty was overheard (as they talk) to use these words: 'What can I do more?' I have engaged mine honour to mine uncle of Denmark, and other princes. I have, in a manner, lost the love of my subjects. What wouldest thou have me do?' Whence some think the duke moved the king to dissolve the parliament." 2 Or, it may have been, the duke moved the king to get himself promoted to the chancellorship of Cambridge. Monstrous as it appears, a royal message was sent forthwith to the convocation, on the present occurrence of the vacancy, ordering them to elect the duke! Vain was every entreaty to postpone the election; at least until after the event of the impeachment were known. It was carried3, 1 The entry in the Journals is remarkable: "Sir John Eliot of himself withdrew; the house refusing to order his withdrawing." 2 A letter in the Harleian MSS. Mead to Stuteville, dated May 13. 3 By means the most disgraceful, which after all only secured Buckingham a majority of three votes over lord Andover, hastily set up by the commons. In Ellis's Original Letters, vol. iii. p. 231., we have a curious account of the contest. "My lord bishop labours; Mr. Mason visits for his lord, Mr. Cosens for the most true patron of the clergy and of scholars. Masters belabour their fellows. Dr. Maw sends for his, one by one, to persuade them; some twice over. Divers in town got hacknies, and fled to avoid importunity. Very many - some whole colleges - were gotten by their fearful masters, the bishop, and others, to suspend, who otherwise were resolved against the duke, and kept away with much indignation: and yet for all this stirre the duke carried it but by three votes from my lord Andover, whom we voluntarily set up against him, without motion on his behalf, yea, without his knowledge. We had but one doctor in the whole towne durst (for so I dare speak) give with us against the duke; and that was Dr. Porter of Queen's." |