shall be sent for anon." But as those who were in Elysium were said to be employed in the same pursuits which engaged their attention while alive, so ministers followed the same course which they had recommended when their recommendation had not such a good chance of being attended to. He defended the measure on the grounds of its humanity, as it would almost remove the temptation to desertion, and the punishments consequent upon it. It would improve the character of the army, and spread a great number of veterans over the country, who would be of the greatest service in case of its being the seat of war. It was not a mere speculative theory, for the thing had been tried and found effectual in other countries. As to the colonial service, he mentioned that in the Spanish army, those only who enlisted for a limited period were sent to the colonies. He concluded by expressing his conviction that this measure would produce the most essential advantages.

Earl Moira, in allusion to what had fallen from a noble earl (Westmoreland) early in the debate, begged to express his thanks to the noble carl for the speech had been so good as to make for him, as expressive of the terrors he was supposed to feel for the ruin of the artillery corps from this measure. He really did not recollect that he had ever entertained any such sentiments, and he trusted noble lords would do him the justice to believe the language was not his. He really had no such terrors; and so far was he from having cause to feel such apprehensions, that he was convinced nothing would be a greater punishment to an artillery-man, than to dismiss him from the service, and deprive him of the many advantageous prospects of preferment in his view. The boys now enlisted for the artillery service, were turned over to the battalions as they attained proper size, and were of course enlisted for life. The term of twelve years limitation could only operate on those who enlisted hereafter, and could have no effect for twelve years to come; and with respect to the general term of limited enlistment, he would read a letter to their lordships from experienced and practical, not from speculative authority, from a general officer now in our service, but for merly, and for twenty years, in the service of the nation in Europe most analogous to our own, namely, that of Holland. This letter stated, that during twenty years of that officer's service, there were seventy-two battalions of the Dutch army, serving both at home and in their distant colonics,

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colonies, in which it was the uniform practice to enlist the men for limited periods of three, six, and nine years, without any other stipulations than that their discharges should only be demanded in the month of October, or at the end of a campaign, consequently during a war; and that no inconvenience whatever had arisen from the usage: and in answer to the complaint that military authorities had not been laid before the House, or examined at the bar, he conceived no practice could have a more mischievous tendency. He would seriously advise their lordships cautitusly to avoid such a practice, and to keep their legislative functions free from any influence from the opinions of military men, who were the instruments, and ought not to be the springs of legislative action. If their lordships should once bring military men to their bar for such a purpose, they would soon come again by petition, and afterwards by remonstrance. He concluded by seriously approving the bill, as a measure the most likely to be efficient,

Lord Mulgrave expressed his astonishment at the opinion expressed by the noble lord, who was himself a soldier, and of justly high character, as to what might be the consequence to, or the disposition excited in the minds of military men, by being called to give their evidence at their lordships' bar; and he totally denied the justice of the in, ference. With respect to the bill, he was a friend to its principle, but feared it would be inefficacious, and ought only to be tried partially as an experiment.

Lord Grenville took a concise view of the whole subject. He said he had long been convinced that the measure now proposed was that peculiarly calculated to render our army such as the situation of Europe required. This sentiment was impressed on his mind by long reflection, and by frequent re-consideration. It had been asked who could have been the statesman with whom such a conception could have originated? For his part he had learnt it from the great statesman lately deceased, whose loss had been so much deplored, and to a late, a very late period, he could venture to assert, that the sentiments of that distinguished person remained unaltered; nor could he believe they were changed, since he had often heard him conclusively answer all the arguments which had been urged against it. As to the measure being an invasion of the King's prerogative, he was astonished to hear it asserted, particularly by those who had had so much share in the military measures

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of the last four years. Could it be pretended that any army which was to be maintained in this country could be maintained independently of parliamentary sanction and controul? The King incontestibly and by the first principles of the constitution possessed the command of every spe cies of military force; but that force was subject to the regulations of pay, controul, &c. which Parliament directed. Nay, after we had seen that the very regulations as to limited service had been adopted as to what constituted pcculiarly our home defence, would it be pretended that it was unconstitutional that the regular army, that which might be employed abroad, should be enlisted on terma which had been sanctioned in the other? It was in vain therefore to say that this was an invasion of the royal prerogative, and hostile to the constitution. Indeed, after the able and convincing speech of an illustrious person (the Duke of Gloucester) that night, it was clear what were the sentiments entertained by every branch of the family on the throne on this point. Never since that illustrious House sat on the throne had any pretension been countenanced of an army not subject to parliamentary controul. His lordship then entered into a consideration of several of the objections, particularly as to the expence of the plan. He argued that it might be assumed as a doctrine, that of the persons surviving at the different periods when their services expired, one half would re-enlist. Of 120,000 men, at the average casualty of one in twelve, 10,000 men a year were necessary; which would be 200,0007. calculating that one half re-enlisted, there would only be 16,000 wanted a year, and that not until the expiry of fifteen years, and the additional part of the expence could not occur in full extent till after thirty, so that the whole benefit was obtain ed before the expence of recruiting commenced. Thus, instead of two or three millions, the expeace of recruiting would not be above 200,000. at first, or afterwards 300,0007. at 207. a man. As to the expence of future provision, it was grossly exaggerated, and if there was any addition of expence, it was a fair remuneration to the veteran, which, in consideration of the expence of living, &c. would, independently of this measure, havebeen fairly due. In a constitutional view, also, the measure was highly advantageous, as giving the soldier new motives of attachment to the civil liberties of the country, to which he would always

always look with a consciousness that they were his. The peculiar advantage of this measure, too, was, that it was clear, short, and intelligible. The people of this country could not mistake it. It would teach them, by a sort of intuitive knowledge, that a soldier was not placed for life in a situation different from the rest of the community, but that after having served his country, he was at liberty to re-enter the civil state if he pleased. The measure required no lawyer to explain it; it demanded no recruiting officer to catechise parish officers. It called upon no secretary of state to read voluminous lectures on acts of parliament: but would impress itself on the feelings of the people at large, and while it increased the numbers of the army, would preserve and increase its constitutional spirit. His lordship concluded by expressing his strongest approbation of the measure as simple, constitutional, and efficient.

The committee then divided on the clause

The House was then resumed, the report received and agreed to, and the bill ordered to be read a third time on Tuesday.

Lord Grenville, referring to the conference on the subject of the resolution respecting the abolition of the slave trade, gave notice of his intention to move on Friday next to concur in the said resolution. Adjourned at three o'clock in the morning.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

FRIDAY, JUNE 13.

Sir Theophilus Metcalfe brought up the globe insurance company's incorporation bill. On the motion for the first reading, a conversation took place between Sir William Curtis, Alderman Prinsep, and Mr. Shaw Le Fevre, respecting the propriety of putting off this affair till the next session. In consequence of this, the further discussion was postponed till Tuesday next.

The deputy usher of the black rod summoned the House to the House of Peers. The Speaker, on his return, announced that the royal assent had been given by commission to the property bill and others.

Lord

- Lord Henry Petty reported that the lords had been waited upon for the purpose of desiring a conference respecting. the resolutions of Tuesday last, relative to the slave trade, and had agreed to grant a conference immediately. A Committee, consisting of all the members then in the House, with the exception of Mr. Wickham, who is lame at present, was appointed to manage this conference, and each went forth as his name was called. After an interval of about half an hour, the committee returned, and Lord H. Petty reported that they had communicated the resolution to the Lords, and had left a copy of the same for their lordships' use.

Mr. Kemp from the excise office, presented an account of the amount of duties on excise outstanding in the years 1805-6. Ordered to lie on the table

Sir Charles Price presented a petition from the dealers in lace, in the city of London, against the thread-lace bill. Ordered to lie on the table.

Mr. Wickham, in consequence of what had been said: by a right honourable gentleman, (Mr. Rose) the preceding night, moved for the following papers-1st, for such article or articles of the treaty of 1800, with Bavaria, as related to the stipulations about commissaries attending the troops-2d for letters, or extracts of them, containing the opinion of his Majesty, relative to the treaty, and the provisions, as to the commissaries-3d, Letters, further explaining the duties of the commissaries-4th, copies of the instructions to the commissaries appointed-5th, copy of the instructions to Mr. Wickham to perform the duty of a commissary, mentioning the time at which it was sent him6th, copies of letters from Mr. Wickham, explaining the arrangements that had been made by him, relative to the commissaries attending the troops, and the instructions he had given them-7th, copies of letters expressing the opinion of government, as to these arrangements and instruc tions-8th, the copy of the opinion of government, as to the passing of the accounts; and 9th, copies of letters relative to the expence of the subsidized troops, transmitted by Mr. Wickham.

All these motions, which were of course by address, were agreed to.

Mr. Grant, pursuant to notice, moved for the report of the Committee of Correspondence to the Court of Directors, on the subject of the Carnatic debts. This he did that the

House