But however the clause might be disposed of, it was his wish to bring it up, in order that it should appear as à protest on his part and that of his friends against a mesure in his and their judgment likely to produce most mis chievous consequences. Mr. Windham opposed the clause as calculated to de feat the principle of this bill, which was not, as the right honourable gentleman stated, the substitution of a com pulsory for a voluntary force, but the addition of the one to the other. As to those districts in which the volunteers were particularly numerous, there was a provision in the bill which enabled his Majesty to require of such districts in calling out, only so many as he saw occasion for; and therefore the object of the right honourable gentleman's clause was, in a great measure, answered. Mr. W. Smith was only sorry that the measure did not go far enough, by proposing to train the effective population of the country. His opinion was in complete coincidence with that of the learned lord, (the Lord Advo cate,) that even children at school should be taught military exercise, for his conviction was, that in the present state and prospects of the world, we should not, unless a greater portion of martial spirit were infused into the peo ple, be able to maintain our rank among the other nations of Europe. The clause was negatived. Mr. Yorke then proposed a clanse, to which he hoped there would be no objection, that every man called out under this bill should take the oath of allegiance. Such was, he observed, the clause of the former act, and such was uniformly the case with regard to the volunteers. Mr. Francis asked whether, if a man should refuse taking this oath, he should therefore be exempted from training? Lord Castlereagh professed himself really surprized to hear the supposition supported, that any of his Majesty's subjects would hesitate to take that oath, which by the common law it was the bounden duty of all to take at as early a period of life as possible; and he would be glad to have the performance of that duty superinduced by any act of this nature. Mr. Francis said, that he did not suppose that any individual would hesitate to take the oath alluded to, from a principle of disaffection; but if a man were conscien VOL. III. 1805-6. tiou-ly SK tiously to decline it, what would be the consequence? Was he, therefore, to be excused from the training, or was he to be punished? If the latter, the measure would be com◄ pulsory indeed, with a vengeance. Mr. Windham saw no necessity for proposing this oath; conceiving that every one of his majesty's subjects was equally bound to the duties which the oath prescribed, whether he took it or not; and he rather apprehended that the proposition of it might excite alarm among the more ignorant part of the community, and so defeat the object of the bill. Mr. Yorke never heard of any alarm that was excited by the proposition of this oath to the volunteers, and why then apprehend it in this case? The Lord Advocate was at a loss to conceive the object of this clause. Compulsion was deprecated by those who proposed it, and yet they now enforce this oath. If, how ever, a man refused to take it, it did not appear from the bill what consequence was to follow. Mr. Yorke observed, that a man was bound by the common law to take the oath of allegiance, and in this case if a man refused such oath, he would of course be subject to the penalties which attached to a man refusing to be trained. Mr. Perceval corroborated this observation, and begged the House and the right honourable secretary to recollect the salutary consequences which resulted from the administration of oaths during those unhappy scenes which were gone by, he hoped, never to return. But a statesman, framing a permanent measure like the present, should provide against even the possible recurrence of such, an evil; and, remembering that men who took the oath of allegiance were always the most difficult to draw into the societies of disaffection, he would take care to extend that additional guard to loyalty. The House divided upon the clause-Ayes, 38-Noes, S-Majority against the clause 46. The bill was then passed, and ordered to the Lords. Lord Castlereagh, as orders must have been issued as to the recruiting on the new system, asked the right honourable secretary opposite, whether the bounty was reduced, or whether the recruiting still went on with the old bounty, as economy had been urged as an argument in favour of this measure? Mr. Mr. Windham said, that such an argument might have been stated, but that no great weight had been attached to it. But he did look to a diminution of the bounty, and the plan of the reduced bounties was prepared, but in the mean time the object was to get men, and if any comparison was to be instituted between this and any other measure, it must be done with this view. The recruiting at present proceeded with the old bounty. Mr. Canning asked whether he was to understand that the recruiting went on for limited service at the same bounty as for service for life? Mr. Windham replied, that the bounties for the present continued as they were before. General Tarleton thought the answer so little satisfactory, that he gave notice that on an early day he would propose a motion to the House relative to the military defence of the country. Lord H. Petty moved for leave to bring in a bill to consolidate the land tax acts, and to exonerate small livings and charitable institutions from the land tax. He stated that 70001. per annum arising from the redemption of the tax on church lands, should go to increase livings not above 150l. a year, at the discretion of the commissioners of the land tax. ROYAL FAMILY. On the motion of Lord H. Petty the House resolved itself into a committee of supply. The message respecting the provision for the royal family, the loyalty loan accounts, and surgeons' petition, were referred to the committee. In the committee his Majesty's message was read, after which Lord Henry Petty rose, and observed that with regard to the first part of it, which went to the establishment of the grants on the consolidated fund, the object was suffi ciently stated, and therefore little explanation could be required. The House would recollect that some time ago grants had been made to the Duke of Gloucester and the Princess Sophia on the aggregate fund, which had been since transferred to the consolidated fund. It therefore be came necessary to grant the provision on the other fund, On this subject there could be no doubt, as the object was merely to place the matter on the same footing as before, 3 K 2 But But the message did not stop there. He hoped, however, that there would be as little difference of opinion on the latter part as on the former, as it called merely for an ade quate provision for the Princes, and no more. It did not include his Royal Highness the Duke of York, who had declined coming forward on this occasion, as in the present situation of the country he thought he was already sufficiently provided for. With regard to the remainder of the princes, it would be recollected that a provision of 12,0007. per annum each had been made for them. That was fixed at so early a period as 1778, and he left it to the House to judge, considering the increased price of every article of life and the more advanced. age of the princes, which required a larger establishment to support their rank, whether some augmentation in their allowances was not necessary? He might refer to former precedents, and more especially to that of the late Duke of Glouces ter, who had 24,000. But he did not wish to rest the matter on precedent. All he ventured to propose was, the sum necessary to support their rank and situation. With this view he was to propose that the grants should be increased by one-third, and that instead of 12,000l. to each, there should be 18,000l. a year. He would propose at the same time that the estimates of the former year, as to the expences of the Princess Charlotte of Wales, should be laid before the House. This estimate was 6,000l. and he would move that 1,0007. be added to that, As to the princesses they were to be placed on the same footing as the Duke of Gloucester, and the Princess Sophia of Gloucester, and have their allowance transferred from the ag gregate fund to the consolidated fund. He concluded by moving, that an addition of one-third to their allowances should be granted out of the consolidated fund to the Dukes of Clarence, Kent, Cumberland, Sussex, and Cambridge. Mr. Rose said that any sums which had been charged on he aggregate fund might by the act be now charged on the consolidated. But he supposed that the charges had not actually been made by his Majesty. He approved of both parts of the message, and thought the addition required by the circumstances of the case. Lord H. Petty then moved the other resolutions, which were as follows: For the Princess Charlotte of Wales, during his Majesty's life time, and the life of the Prince of Wales £.7,000 For For the Duchess Dowager of Gloucester, for whom no provision had been made For the Duke of Gloucester, raising his allowance one-third, in the same manner as that of the princes For the Princess Sophia of Gloucester, in lieu of 4,000l. on the aggregate fund £.4,000 14,000 4,000 Having moved these resolutions respecting the grants to the Royal Family, he next proposed a grant of 15,000l. to the Royal College of Surgeons, towards raising buildings to be a proper receptacle for the Museum of the late Mr. Hunter, and for a theatre for public lectures. Mr. Vansittart then moved the following resolutions:For paying off the loyalty loan annuities £.286,179 18 0 For keeping in repair the roads leading to the metropolis for half a yearFor printing the public records of the kingdom 3,167 0 0 3,596 5 10 393 0 0 Re For printing the returns relative to the poor Mr. Paull postponed the bringing forward his supple mentary charge relative to the transactions in Oude till Monday. The bankrupt laws bill was committed. Report on Monday, OUDE CHARGE. Lord Temple then moved the order of the day for taking into consideration the Oude charge against Lord Wellesley. Mr. Paull begged to call the attention of the House to the extraordinary mode of proceeding adopted by the noble lord, and which seemed unprecedented in the annals of Parliament: he meant his attempt to take the matter out of his hands who had first brought it before the House. Lord Temple thought it must be in the recollection of the House that he had not pressed any premature decision; but after the evidence had been produced, and sufficient time given to consider it, and when the honourable gentleman appeared still not inclined to come to any decision, he had thought it his duty to propose that some decision should be come to, that justice might be done to the character of his noble friend. He did not ask any indulgence, but |