reasons stated in two elaborate reports, as wholly unfounded.

But the fallacy of these remonstrances did not rest solely upon the reasoning, however conclusive, stated in those reports, it was satisfactorily established by an experience of not less than ten years, viz. between 1783 and 1793; during all which time the islands were never more abun dantly and cheaply supplied; under which prudent system our navigation singularly flourished. The British vessels belonging to the islands alone had encreased in 1791 to 935 ships, 110,900 tons, and 6567 seamen; the number has since materially declined, being reduced in 1804 to 167 ships, 19,535 tons, and 1860 men.

It probably will be said all this reasoning applies to a period of peace, and proves nothing as to the present question, viz. the practicability of securing an abundant supply for our islands under similar regulations in time of war. War certainly, if adequate convoys cannot be supplied, may afford to neutrals a greater comparative facility in carrying on this intercourse; but I am sure, in the present state of our naval superiority, it cannot be alleged that any difficulty can arise in giving complete protection to British ships passing between the islands and the continent. Whatever might have formerly been apprehended from the naval power of our enemies, it cannot now be beyond the reach of our navy to cover this important branch of British commerce against the depredations of privateers, there being rarely an instance of any of the enemy's regular ships of war venturing to shew themselves in those seas. It is only on an assumption that due protection cannot be afforded, or that if afforded, merchants cannot be found to carry on the intercourse in British ships, that any distinction in the argument can be maintained on the fact of war. That the former cannot now be an impediment, the noble lord at the head of the navy will, I am sure, be the first to admit; and that there are persons of the utmost respectability ready to engage in this trade, if they are only assur ed of the protection of the existing laws, my right hon. friend (Mr. Rose), has from their own authority been enabled to assert, and was prepared to prove if all enquiry had not been refused. I am the more anxious to impress on the minds of the House, that in truth the question stands at this present moment, for the reasons above stated, on the same grounds practically as if we were at peace, and that

unless

unless they are prepared to go the monstrous length which the right honourable secretary (Mr. Fox), has done, namely to doubt whether the British colonies can be supplied even in time of peace, not only without a relaxation of the colonial but of the navigation systems; they would do well to take their stand here, and require his Majesty's ministers and the planters, who may, from a confined view of their own separate interests, be disposed to press forward this measure, to make out which they have on former occasions completely failed to do, an adequate case of necessity for such a breach of system, before the House will consent thus to lay the foundation of rendering our West India islands dependant in peace as well as in war, on America for their supplies, and before they will proceed thus permanently to divest the owners of British shipping of the rights long assured to them under the existing laws.

But it is said, can any one doubt of the necessity of confinning this intercourse at least in time of war, after the experience we have had of its being practised with little interruption, both throughout the last and present wars? With respect to the commercial and maritime principles acted upon in the course of the last war, however highly I respect the authority of those who then directed our councils, and however generally wise I believe them to have been, I certainly should deprecate their being considered of universal application, or such as ought to be acted upon in all cases. Our commercial as well as our political relations at that time underwent a great convalsion: the degree to which all the social relations of Europe were then shaken; the attempts that mere made to protect the interests of those who were attached to the ancient governments both of France and Holland, notwithstanding the hostilities we were then carrying on against those states; the efforts made to introduce our manufactures both into the countries with which we were at war, and also into their colonies; and the object we had in such a contest to conciliate neutrals by every possible forbearance, and every sacrifice on our part; certainly at that period occasioned, and perhaps justified, great relaxation of system. It is not to be wondered at, if, upon perhaps a hasty and superficial view of the case, new indulgences should at that time, at the instance of the planters, bealso granted to the colonies, namely, that of receiving for the first time supplies in American obitos; but we have abundant grounds to warrant us in

not

not considering the practices which prevailed in that war, as what even those who then advised them deemed such as ought to be rendered permanent. With respect to our colonies, the correspondence since Mr. Pitt's last return to power will prove, that his unremitting endeavours were directed to restrict the intercourse between America and the West India islands within the narrowest possible limits; he had succeeded in confining the supply to lumber, and corn provisions; and these only were, permitted to he brought in under the authority of special proclamations to be issued from time to time, and to be in force only for a limited period: but he had determined steadily to resist in future any competition with the mother country, or her North American colonies, in either fish or salted provisions. He had also latterly turned his attention, after the decisive successes of our fleets had opened to us the prospect of being able fully to protect our commerce in all parts of the world, to an early recurrence to the principles of the 28th of the king, and would, I have no doubt, if his life had been spared, soon have confined whatever intercourse was permitted to take place, to British subjects and British ships as formerly; a regulation not more called for in deference to the shipping interest of Great Britain, than required to put an end to that system of smuggling into our colonies which now prevails to an enormous extent, particularly of East India goods, and which must continue to prevail so long as American ships are permitted to frequent our islands.

That the practice of the last war is not to be considered as conclusive in all cases, may be further proved from the modifications which the orders in council of that period underwent at the commencement of the present war, relative to neutrals trading to the enemy's colonies. I am the more inclined to advert to this point from the conviction I feel, that the orders in question yet require to be very con siderably further modified and restricted. The extent to which our belligerent rights are now systematically invaded, the facility afforded to the enemy by abusing cur liberality towards neutral powers, to cover his own commerce, and to turn his whole maritime strength against us in war, and the cruel situation in which those employed in the na val service of the country are laced, when, by the artful and unprincipled practices of neutralizing merchants, they are not only deprived of almost all prospect of prize, but

exposed

exposed to be ruined by litigation if they venture to detain the ships engaged in this illicit traflic, makes me peculiarly anxious to protest against any conclusive inference being drawn in favour of this or any other system, merely from its having generally prevailed throughout the period of the last war; and I urge this consideration with the more anxiety on the present occasion, from the extent to which it is understood America is disposed at this moment to push her claims on this score, in opposition to the undoubted maritime rights of this country. From the harsh and unconciliating manner in which she apparently has endeavoured to support those claims, and from the knowledge we have, that this vital question is on the point of being discussed by his Majesty's ministers with the government of the United States, than which certainly a more impor tant discussion never devolved upon any government, we are to hope they will conduct it with all the temper and friendship, which is due to a state with whose prosperity our true interests are so inseparably united; but with that resolution and inflexible firmness, with which it is their duty to defend rights, the maintenance of which is indis pensable to our preservation as a maritime state, whilst America in pressing their abandonment, can only plead a commercial interest of a very subordinate kind, unsupported by any colour of justice whatever.

If the necessity or expediency of this bill cannot then be made out when its application is reasoned on in its more limited sense, and if its enactment in the more enlarged meaning which the wording of the bill justifies us in apply ing to it, cannot be reconciled with any sound view which can be taken either of former regulations or our general interests, I wish to warn the House of the value and importance of those principles, which this measure in its most comprehensive character goes to shake. I am led the rather to do so, as I have understood that language has been held with respect to our navigation laws, by persons of great authority in another place, which fills me with considerable alarm. I have heard they have been spoken of as laws rather suited to the former situation, than to the present circumstances of this country, and I cannot but forebode from such sentiments, explained by such bills, and illustrated by such practical opinions as have been stated by a secretary of state in this House, that if there exists not in the present government a deliberate purpose to

violate,

violate, there at least exists a great indifference to uphold the fundamental principles upon which those ancient laws were founded.

T

I know it has been the fashion in modern times to deny its restrictions upon commerce. The economists laugh at the notion of compelling your commerce to be carried in native shipping, if it can be carried by the shipping of other states on better terms. But those who have attentively studied the rise of this nation into greatness and security, will not hesitate to attribute it, under Providence, to its early and provident determination to carry forward its means of strength and power, with all those circumstances of wealth and splendour which must ever have the effect of exciting jealousy and creating enemies. It has been the policy of those laws to require our commerce and our marine to grow up together.. This principle of wholesome restraint has caused them to rise and flourish together, and they have alternately as cause and effect, perhaps, accelerated each other's progress. To say that no circumstances can ever justify a partial and temporary relaxation of those laws would be absurd; but in proportion as the growth of any marked disproportion between the trade and the shipping of the country must render an adherence to them difficult, and perhaps a a recurrence to them.impossible if once fallen into disuse, I do consider it of the first importance to watch with the utmost jealousy, and to mark with the strongest disapprobation, any thing which seems to bear so much the appearance of an unnecessary, precipitate, wantou, and apparently systematic infringement of those laws as the present measure does..

The House will recollect the efforts made by the French government at several periods of its history during the monarchy, to incorporate the principle of our navigation laws into their system. The ministers of France perceived to what cause the naval greatness of Britain was in fact as signable; they wished to imitate it, but happily they had postponed the attempt too long. Their commerce had long taken the start of their shipping; they could no longer make their trade the instrument of forcing forward their commercial marine without nearly extinguishing the trade itself; and they were obliged, after several fruitless efforts, wholly to abandon the attempt... This ought to make us cautious how we trifle with this important system, for purposes of small and speculative commerce. If, as VOL. III. 1805-6. .

3 S

there