then, to do, but to maintain the protest of the sanatory and fiscal government of the the Duke of Wellington in all its integrity, tribes and coasts of Circassia. By this in order to prevent Russia from aggrandis- act, the British Government was made to ing herself at the expense of Turkey, under recognise two usurpations; first, the illegal the pretext and cover of that Treaty of Treaty of Adrianople-that treaty which London which was signed by England, had been before protested against, but France, Russia, and Austria, for so differ- which was now acknowledged and sancent a purpose-the settlement of the af- tioned, together with the right thus profairs of Greece? Let us see, then, what fessedly exercised under it; and, secondly, was in this respect the first act of the the pretended cession of Circassia, with the noble Lord on coming into office. Now, rights of sovereignty claimed by Rusupon that subject he has taken care to sia over the territory and people of that furnish no papers, and to lay no informa- country, to which, as I have shown the tion whatever before the House. But the House, the Treaty of Adrianople, even had facts are in themselves notorious, and from it been legal, conferred no title at all. In other sources there is abundant evidence one moment, therefore, and by this simple to be had of the part taken by the noble act of recognition, all that Lord Aberdeen— Lord. all that the Duke of Wellington-had done by way of protest-all that the noble Lord found in force and vigour at the period of his accession to office in 1830, in respect to the Treaty of Adrianople—was swept away. Circassia was abandoned to Russia; and, with Circassia, the freedom and privileges of commerce, immemorially enjoyed by British merchants on her coasts, but which the Russian tariff refused. From that time it became impossible to repudiate, without punishing, the acts of the noble Lord. From that time it became impossible for any Minister in this country to continue the protest against the Treaty of Adrianople, or to claim the enforcement of the Treaty of London, without founding against the noble Lord accusasations, such as I now prefer.

Almost his first act on coming into office was to accept this Treaty. I will show the House in what way he contrived that. Amongst the clauses in the Treaty of Adrianople extorted by Russia from Turkey, there was one which gave to Russia dominion over a great extent of coast in the Black Sea, limited by certain boundaries. Now Circassia was not specifically mentioned in that clause. Circassia, indeed, could not be included in it, because Circassia formed no part of the Turkish territory. Therefore, Circassia did not belong to Turkey to give, nor to Russia to receive. However, by the treaty, a geographical line was so drawn as in fact to include Circassia within the ceded territory; and, on the authority of that pretended cession it was, that Russia had grounded a pretended title to dominion over Circassia. In the exercise of that pretension, Russia, in 1832, notified through her Ambassador at Constantinople to the noble Lord, through his then representative and agent there, Mr. Mandeville (for the British Ambassador was, as usual, absent)—the establishment of a quarantine and a custom-house-with re-reign Powers had there the right of intergulations of a sanatory and fiscal nature at Anapa, and elsewhere, on the coast of Circassia. Now, it was clearly the duty of Mr. Mandeville in the first place, or, if he failed in his duty, it was the noble Lord's duty, to refuse to recognise those provisions, coming as they did from a Power which had no jurisdiction to make them. Mr. Mandeville, however, took upon himself, with the approbation of the noble Lord (at least he has never been censured for his conduct)-to publish at Constantinople to the Consul General of England, and the British merchants there, those regulations and ordinances promulgated by Russia for

Sir, I shall next direct the attention of the House to the position of affairs in Egypt, when the noble Lord came into office. The position of affairs there was somewhat similar. Mehemet Ali was at that time the acknowledged vassal and servant of the Porte. The authority of the Porte was supreme in Egypt, and no fo

vention. Neither the noble Lord, nor any authority but the Porte, had the least right of internal legislation or management in Egypt. There was no portion of its sovereignty over Egypt ceded by the Porte. The noble Lord, however, took upon himself to erect Mehemet Ali into an independent Power. Without the consent of the Porte, he, in 1832, accredited Consuls and diplomatic agents to that ambitious Pacha. He entered into treaties with him, altering existing regulations and arrangements touching matters of trade and revenue, and establishing others in their room. The consent of the Porte was not even

The proposed treaty, immediately upon being received by the Porte from the hands of the Sultan-for till then the Porte had no knowledge of the design-was placed by the Porte in the hands of the English Embassy, with a prayer for protection against Russia. On the very next day, the identical document so confided to the honour of the English Embassy, was returned to the Porte by the hand of the Russian Ambassador, with the taunting advice, "another time to choose a better confidant."

asked beforehand, nor its approbation af- | Egypt, was the immediate acceptance of terwards received. I say, Sir, that Me- a treaty produced by Count Orloff to the hemet Ali was thus encouraged by the Sultan, which had been drawn up at St. noble Lord to consider himself independent Petersburgh, and which he had been sent of the Porte; and that it was to confirm to present. That was the treaty afterwards him in that independence, that Ibrahim so famous under the name of the Treaty of Pasha, his son, at the head of the Egyp- Unkiar Skelessi. tian army marched against Constantinople. Crippled by the event of Navarino, and the Treaty of Adrianople, it was impossible for the Sublime Porte to resist this powerful invasion of its territory, without the help of those Powers who had promised help in such an emergency, and on the faith of which promise alone their intervention had been accepted. Accordingly the Porte implored of England the help she was entitled to demand. Now, Sir, I come to a direct act of treachery committed by the noble Lord, or which is the same thing, by the agent of the noble Lord, and sanctioned by him-against the Porte. The Porte applied to the noble Lord for protection against her rebellious subjects. The noble Lord refused that protection, although one word from him would have secured it. I say this, because, as it turned out afterwards, the remonstrance of a simple Consul at Alexandria was found quite sufficient to check the Pasha's progress. The noble Lord, however, refused the application. Instructions were not even sent to the Consul at Alexandria to use his influence there with Mehemet Ali. Not only the intervention but even the mediation of England was refused. In concert with this refusal, Russia then proffered to the Sublime Porte her assistance. The insidious offer was indignantly refused by the Porte. Upon this, Russia, still hoping to ingratiate herself with the Porte, joined her in a renewed application to the noble Lord for British intervention. The noble Lord again refused the demand. All this time the Pasha continued to advance towards Constantinople. At the moment of the noble Lord's second refusal of assistance, a Russian squadron on board suddenly sailed from Sevastopol in the Black Sea, towards Constantinople, and disembarked a large force of Russian troops upon the shores of the Bosphorus, and laid siege to the capital. The Sultan was intimidated into a secret communication unknown to the Porte. Count Orloff was sent specially from St. Petersburgh to conduct it. The only condition on which the Russian diplomatist would consent to withdraw in the first place his troops, and then to assist Turkey in checking the advance of the Pasha of

Anxious only to save the capital a little longer, and under the just impression that she was now betrayed by England, the Porte acceded to the Treaty of Unkiar Skelessi and signed it. The moment that was done, the noble Lord-who would not grant help or the promise of help, nor even use mediation with the Pasha to check his ambitious designs against the Porte-sent an English squadron, with which was combined a French squadron (France being at that time blindly devoted to our alliance) to threaten the Turkish coasts and capital. The pretext for this hostile demonstration against a faithful injured ally was the Treaty of Unkiar Skelessi! Because, in her utmost need, Turkey had signed that treaty which she had been compelled to accept by the noble Lord-that treaty against which the noble Lord had not only refused positively to protect her, but had even refused to interfere, to the extent of a simple remonstrance through his representatives, with the Russian Ambassador-the noble Lord sent a naval force to threaten the coasts, not of Russia the assailant, but of Turkey the assailed. And, to crown the whole, Sir, at the very time that this demonstration was being made, an assurance was given by the noble Lord to the Russian Ambassador at this Court, that this combined movement of the two squadrons was not intended in any sense hostile to Russia, nor to be taken as a hostile demonstration against her; but that, in fact, it meant nothing at all. I say this on the authority of Lord Ponsonby, the noble Lord's own Colleague, then Ambassador at Constantinople. To that Lord's subsequent conduct I shall presently have

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tervention had been kept out; and that, in | nopolies, by which the sale of certain articles order to save Turkey against Russia, it was was granted only to those who had paid for absolutely necessary to replace the Go- licenses from the Government. Russia did vernment of Turkey in its position of per- not remonstrate against these monopolies, fect and entire independence. His Ma- although granted in evident infraction of jesty was also aware that the means taken one clause of the Treaty of Adrianople; by Russia to prostrate the strength of Tur- and this for very profound reasons of policy. key were commercial means. In fact, a The unwise system was fast producing its fiscal system, of the most absurd and mis- own results-impoverishment of the State, chievous character, had been brought in by and increased disaffection amongst the peoRussian influence, and engrafted on the ple. This was precisely what Russia wantold simplicity of the Turkish financial ed. Russia, in questions of commerce, administration. The effect was most de- never an eye to commercial advantage, structive; and to such a degree, that, but always to territorial aggrandizement. whilst bankruptcy oppressed the natives Commercial advantage will come afterof the land, the finances themselves very wards. But till the other is gained she greatly suffered-monopolies abounded- has always shown herself prepared to sacthe Government was crippled with debt rifice to its attainment every other interest and usury-the taxes were farmed out to men for the most part under Russian influence and embarrassment, misery, and disaffection overspread the land. The late King had derived his information from the most authentic sources. I have not the same authentic information on this sub-trade under that name and title. But, even jest; but I will state shortly to the House what I know upon it, and in what manner that state of things had been brought about.

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There were treaties existing between England and Turkey-commercial treaties by which every article was imported free, I believe, and every article of export exported at 3 per cent. A similar favour had been granted to Russia by the Treaty of Adrianople. But there was this difference between her case and that of EnglandEngland looked only to commercial advantage, Russia only to political ascendancy. Russia made her advantage the occasion of embarrassing and ruining the Porte. She had not at that time a single merchant at Constantinople. But no sooner was the treaty signed than her emissaries amongst the Greek subjects of the Porte persuaded them to declare themselves Russian, in order that, under the assumption of that character, they might claim to share in the benefits conferred by the treaty. In consequence of that proposition great numbers of Greek rayahs unduly obtained an entire exemption from taxation. This created universal discontent amongst the farmers of taxes, who found their gains destroyed; and very great embarrassment to the Government, because of the loss of revenue which was the natural result. In order to obviate those disadvantages, the Porte introduced rather extended the baneful system of mo

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her own commercial interest not excepted. But here she had no commercial interest to sacrifice. She had no merchants at Constantinople, though there were hundreds-and thousands, perhaps of Turkish subjects who professed to carry on the

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if these had been Russians, still their interests would have been sacrificed, in order to procure the immediate and greater objectinternal disaffection and discontent. cordingly, when they complained to the Russian Ambassador against the monopolies as having been created in violation of the Treaty of Adrianople, that Minister repremanded them for their presumption, and told them that the Russian Government would not interfere. Still there was no direct acquiescence on his part. It was always competent for him to prefer the demand at the proper moment. Now, one very important clause of the Treaty of Adrianople empowers Russia, in the event of any violation whatever of any clause of that treaty, to exercise, as though with the previous and entire sanction and recognition of the Porte, the immediate right of reprisal. Another clause, not less important, provided that, until all pecuniary demands arising out of that treaty should have been liquidated, the Turkish fortress of Silistria, and other places possessed by Russia, were not to be given up. All these constituted, therefore, another reason why Russia should be deaf for a season to the complaints of those quasi Russian merchants. Under such circumstances, it was that the late King was made sensible of the advantages of the Turkish trade to England, and of the fatal blow which Russian ambition would receive in a most vital point, if Turkey were re-established on a free and

Under those instructions Mr. Urquhart did proceed to draw up the treaty of commerce. He did succeed in framing one treaty for the purpose of carrying into effect the wishes of the late King, as signified through his Private Secretary. The general terms of this treaty were to this effect :-That all monopolies should be abolished, so far as respected British merchants and their agents-that all taxes imposed upon British merchants or their agents, or duties except those provided by the treaty, whether they were duties of export, of import, or of transit, should be repealed;-that there should be commissioners appointed between the two States-English and Turkish commissioners-to inquire into the value of all articles of commerce usually exported which might be exported from Turkey; and which would find a sale in England;

independent basis; but which could only | noble Lord to Mr. Urquhart, authorising be when her finances had been brought and empowering him in the fullest manner into a more prosperous condition. There- to draw up and procure the acceptance of fore William the Fourth determined to ne- the articles of a treaty of commerce begotiate with Turkey a treaty of commerce; tween this country and Turkey, to be and, for that end, he employed a Gentle- framed in the sense of the late King. man who had, by long residence in the East, deserved, found, and enjoyed, the united confidence of Christian and Mussulman---I mean my hon. Friend the Member for Stafford. Him, if I may take the liberty of doing so without infringing any rule of this House, I shall, in the course of my statement, describe by the name appearing in the documents before me-Mr. Urquhart. This Gentleman had applied himself devotedly to that question. He enjoyed the personal friendship of his late Majesty. He was upon terms of unrestricted intercourse first of all with the late King's Private Secretary, Sir Herbert Taylor, and afterwards with the King himself. I pause here, to anticipate an objection of the noble Lord, and to tell the House, that I entirely disregard any distinction, that may be taken in any quarter, between the office of Secretary of State and Private Secre--that those commissioners should revise tary to the Sovereign. The law and con- their reports once in every five years; that stitution of this country recognise no such those commissioners should set ad valorem distinction. The Secretary of State is duties upon the different articles of combut the King's Clerk, and the King's merce in this manner, namely, that if any Clerk or Private Secretary is nothing one article of commerce was so exclusively more nor less than his Secretary of State. the production of Turkey as to insure it a One distinction, indeed, there is, which, ready sale, at the prices usually received however, is not to the disparagement of under the monopoly in foreign ports, then the office of Private Secretary. The office the export duty to be assessed might be a of Private Secretary, when it existed-(for high one, so as to be remunerative and it does not now exist, Her Majesty's Min-productive of revenue;-but that, in the isters have taken care of that-they abol-case of commodities produced elsewhere ished it at the beginning of the present than in Turkey, and not being of sufficient reign) was filled by only one person; value in foreign ports to bear a high duty, whilst that of Secretary of State is divided a lower duty should be assessed; and, lastly, amongst three-the Home, the Colonial, that this tariff should be revised every five and the Foreign Secretary of State;-con-years. stituting, however, amongst them only one officer. The commands then given by his late Majesty, after advice taken with his Privy Council, might be as fitly communicated through Sir Herbert Taylor as through the noble Lord. With regard, however, to that part of the question, or the correspondence between Mr. Urquhart and Sir Herbert Taylor, the noble Lord's mouth is closed; for he, at least, accepted the intervention of Sir Herbert Taylor. The documents before me show that he acted in obedience to commands communicated by the Private Secretary to the King. I have, moreover, communications here in my possession addressed from the

Take, for instance, valonia; a very principal article of export from Turkey. That commodity, being exclusively Turkish, might easily bear a duty of twenty-five or thirty per cent upon it, which would yield a good remuneration to the Turkish Government without, however, raising its price, or affecting its sale in foreign countries; where it would be just as cheap, after the imposition of this high duty, as it had been formerly; and certainly much cheaper than it was under the then system of monopoly. On the other hand, silk, not being the sole production of Tur key, but having to compete with that of other countries, would be able to bear only three or two per cent ad valorem, or perhaps