merce of the equalisation of the sugar | effect of legislation on the Mauritius. duties between the East and West Indies. This document explains all. Besides the Of that evidence I will give the results 2,600,000l. of capital which, by your vote briefly, not with the pomp of figures, but of so-called compensation, was invested in contenting myself with referring Gentle- that colony, besides the expenditure by men to documents accessible to them. which, in spite of restrictions the most Avoiding the details, this I know to be the vexatious, of a system of colonial legisla result, that the great, I might say the im- tion which can only be accounted for by mense increase in our trade produced by the fear, the disgraceful fear of the ignothat change was in the coarsest materials rant prejudices of the metropolis, by which used by the lowest of the population-that 90,000 Coolies were, in a certain number our exports were not increased mainly by of years, imported into the Mauritius, more the wealthy and the powerful; but that than 2,000,000l. sterling of English canumerous classes of consumers who had pital was invested in the Mauritius by never before expended their gains in the houses connected with that colony-an un◄ purchase of Manchester goods now came precedented example of energy and enterinto the market to seek them, and return- prise. And what has been the result? ed to us the articles we required in ex- Ruin-utter and complete ruin. I should change for the materials they wanted for be wrong, however, in saying, that this is their turbans and their robes; and thus the greatest, the last, or the bitterest conadded to our imports more than two mil- sequence of our conduct. No, the bitlions sterling. That was a remarkable in- terest consequence is, that, after having stance of the effect of our legislation, and for years filled, in this House, the posimen whose ac I want to know whether you have consi- tion of honourable men dered-whether you have well considered, quaintance we were proud to cultivatewhat is the present state of India. I need men whose intelligence we were only too not dwell upon the capitalists who have in- ready to secure for our Committees-they vested their funds in sugar cultivation, and are held up to public scorn and contumely for whom the hon. Gentleman, then Mem- as unprincipled people-as people who in ber for Beverley, was the bail. We know dulged in over-trading, in rash speculation the termination of their career. All those great capitalists have disappeared from the commercial world. But you will have to consider what has been the effect of your legislation upon those poor ryots whom you called into existence as producers by the demand you stimulated for their produce, and for which you paid them by your manufacturing industry. This has been the effect upon India of your great change in the law. The great capitalists have disappeared, and the native producers have shown their sense of your legislation by ceasing to be purchasers of your goods. But what has been the effect of your great change upon the Mauritius? We have heard a great deal about compensation. I will not now enter into the circumstances; but the portion of compensation allotted to the Mauritius was, I believe, 2,600,000l. sterling, calculated upon an estimate of 60,000 slaves. What further sums were expended on that colony? I will not read the details; but I have here a document, of which I will give you the result in two lines-a result drawn up, I am sorry to second to none say, by a gentleman in honour and intelligence, who was once a Member of this House, and who knew, by fatal experience, the ruinous

who have suffered, not from the consequences of our own ignorant and deceptive legislation, but from their own rapacity, and whose fate has been brought on by circumstances which all merchants, at all times, should be prepared to encounter. Well, Sir, this much, in allusion to India and the Mauritius, those countries to which the debate on this question has given, as it were, the go-by. We talk of the West Indies, we argue the case of the West Indies, with all its peculiar and perhaps anomalous circumstances; and we are told that India had no slaves, that the Mauritius had no slaves, and that, therefore, they have no right to complain of our legislation. But, without giving any opinion at this moment as to the West Indies, to which consideration I approach, I say that, of all our mistakes, of all our political errors, there is none more profound or more grievous, in connexion with this subject, than our commercial conduct towards India, and there is none more bitter and heartrending than our behaviour towards the Mauritius. I now come to the question of the West Indies. No one doubts the position of those islands. The hon. Gentleman the Member for Westbury (Mr. Wilson), who addressed us to-night with that ingenuity and that

information which entitle him, at all times, | of the right hon. Gentleman's speech, the to our consideration and respect al- whole effect of which speech was to prove though he qualified his speech with kind- that no remedial arrangement could have ly expressions, which might send forth a any beneficial effect. He said he could hope, even to those out of doors whom he not flatter himself that his measures would may meet on 'Change to-morrow, and to prove entirely satisfactory to the West whom he may be able to say, that no word Indians. I quite agree with him upon of bitterness had escaped him with refer- that head. I need not dwell upon the ence to the West Indian colonies-the hon. suggestions made by the right hon. GentleGentleman, although he indulged in de- man, except as the representative of no intails which, in some instances, I will ad- considerable constituency-living in an vert to, but which scarcely at all touch the age of economy-trembling for the annual great question, seemed to convey in dulcet budget during the next nervous fortnight. tones to the House his decided conviction I beg to declare my disapproval of the that, with regard to the West Indies, the vote of 200,000l. proposed by the right game was up-that the sooner we made up hon. Gentleman. If I thought the expenour minds to meet an inevitable catastrophe diture of 200,000l. for the purpose of imthe better it would be for all parties-and migration, would benefit the colonies, I that, for the future, we must sweeten our should be the last man to oppose it. But tea, as best we can, with beet-root sugar- I am quite of a different opinion-I think and that there would in future be no occa- that the grant would be so much money sion to send for this luxury to the tropics. wasted. I have no idea of encouraging That, I am sure, is not a misrepresenta- the loose habits of men in the condition of tion of the able speech of the hon. Gentle- Her Majesty's Ministers, whose want of man. Now I am not disposed to deny, that, prescience has forced them into a difficulty, if the hon. Gentleman is satisfied to sweeten and who think they are to extricate themhis tea with beet-root sugar, that he may selves by a vote of public money. If the produce that sugar even in this kingdom. revenue is so overflowing that the ChancelBut I remember the time when war was lor of the Exchequer can conveniently made on beet-root sugar. I remember spare 200,000l., then it would be the busithe time when we were told that the ex- of Her Majesty's Ministers to vote it for istence of beet-root sugar was one of the some useful purpose-they ought to see abuses of protection-that protection cre- what best could be done with it. For ated it that protection fostered it; and 200,000l. they might pull down the NaI should have supposed that any country tional Gallery and build up another. But adopting the idea of growing beet-root it is not at all clear to me that the expensugar would be voted to have committed diture of 200,000l. for the importation of an outrage on the principles of the Po- African labourers into some remote corner litical Economy Club. Napoleon was in of the West Indies could be productive of general deemed to be a great general- any good to the colonial interest. I say by some he was supposed to be a greater that the House ought to view with suspistatesman than warrior; but almost uni- cion the suggestions of a Ministry not versally it was admitted that he was a very distinguished at least in this case for its bad political economist, and that he never prescience. The hon. Gentleman the made a greater mistake, not even when Member for Huntingdon (Mr. T. Bahe established the continental blockade, ring), in his able speech, referred to the than his forcing the cultivation of beet-root declarations of the Government in 1846, sugar. But this is what the economical when the Bill was proposed. They then oracle now calls the perfection of wisdom. In said that it would regenerate the comhis idea, beet-root sugar is everything. The merce of the country-that it would pour beauties of slave-grown sugar must pale be- capital into the colonies-that it would fore the charms of beet-root. This being accumulate labour in districts where it the state of the West Indians-this being was deficient - that it would terminate the acknowledged desperately perilous once for all the question of colonial disstate of the colonists-what is the course tress—of which we have heard so much proposed by her Majesty's Ministers? | in that period during which most of us The Chancellor of the Exchequer announ- have been Members of this House-and ced some measures-some proposition as a that it would act as a climax and compleremedy for the condition he deplores. tion of those great measures which they The measures are announced at the end had not proposed, but to their honour-if

that very night on which he did me the honour of following me in debate, on the occasion of our making the last effort, in 1846, to support this interest-I remember that the noble Lord, with that grand manner which becomes him, and which he seems to me never to assume with greater felicity than when he is going to "The noble Lord had confined his attention to announce something which cannot, in any the West India Islands; but let him turn to the Mauritius, and he would find that there the great-practical way, influence the conduct of the

est prosperity was manifest, and that the production of sugar had immensely increased. He would ask, if it was for a moment to be supposed that these petitioners could be favoured by the admistion of their produce free of duty? [Lord G. BENTINCK had not made any proposition of that kind, but simply that an inquiry should be entered VOL. XCVI.

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which might possibly occur, was compe- | have regulated your conduct by abstract tition. Tell a Government of the present principles without any reference to them, day that a million of Her Majesty's sub- and you find yourselves involved in inextrijects, previously enjoying great prosperity, cable confusion. A sage, with whom we are suddenly involved in almost inextricable are all familiar, has said that "experience difficulty tell them that the sugar colonies is the test of truths, and that practice is of the empire are in a perilous position, and always confounding the theories of man." all classes connected with them-proprie- So it is with the artificial rivalry you have tors, merchants, shipowners, labourers created between the Spanish and the Engagree in attributing their danger and suf- lish colonies. What is the consequence, fering to our inconsistent and vacillating in this instance, of your acting upon ablegislation; and the Government have al-stract principles without the least referways one peculiar class of remedies at hand. These remedies appear to consist of a certain number of abstract qualities and cardinal virtues. Competition is always at the head of the list then follow, you may be sure, energy and enterprise. These remedies are not facts-they are only phrases. What is this competition, of whose divine influence we hear so much? Define it, tell us its sex and character. Is it a demigod or a nymph? It inspires all their solutions of economical difficulties. Is the shipping interest in decay? Competition will renovate it. Are the colonies in despair? Energy will save them. Is the agricultural interest in danger? Enterprise is the panacea. The Chancellor of the Exchequer's speech follows that of the First Minister of the Crown it is concocted of the same phrases, and modelled in the same form. But I want Her Majesty's Ministers to inform me what they mean by competition. I had always understood that competition meant this at least, that the rivals should be in equal circumstances. My hon. Friend the Member for Huntingdon to-night made a race between a horse and a steam-engine. But I will take an evener and more equal sort of race-a race between two horses. Even between two horses the weights are adjusted, that the struggle should be fair. The essence of just competition is, that the circumstances should be equal between those who compete. Now, I ask you, are the circumstances equal between an English colony under your present system of legislation, and a Spanish colony under the system to which they are subjected? You may explain the circumstances one way; others may contradict your version. But the impartial historian may possibly hereafter describe it thus: "In the Spanish colonies, there is an abundance of labour for which they pay nothing; and in the English colonies, there is a scarcity of labour for which they pay a great deal." Where are the circumstances which constitute an equal competition? You

ence to circumstances? Why, that in exact proportion to the labour for which the Spaniard pays nothing, and for which the Englishman pays a great deal, you are creating a differential duty in favour of the Spaniard. You are in fact creating a protection, and not, in a certain sense, inconsistently. You are, at least, consistent in not extending your protection to native industry; for it is not protection to the Englishman you are creating, but to the Spaniard. The free-trade party and the free-trade Government, after all their wonderful promises and astounding prognostications, terminate their career by the establishment of protecting duties in favour of Cuba, of Porto Rico, and of Brazil. It is a consequence of being governed by phrases instead of facts. Competition between Yorkshire and Lancashire-competition between Jamaica and Barbadoes-I can understand; but competition between Jamaica and Cuba, under the circumstances that exist, is only a word invented for Downing-street and St. Stephen's phrase intended only for the use of men who are giving you their thoughtless votes, but votes which they will some day remember with bitterness of reminiscence which the hustings only can recall. The hon. Gentleman the Member for Hull seems to be dissatisfied by this remark. I will not stop to inquire what would have been his reception, had he appeared before his constituents as an anti-slavery advocate, instead of an advocate for cheap sugar; yet some years ago at Hull matters were rather different. Hon. Gentlemen opposite are always talking to us about public opinion. I respect public opinion; but I remember the words of a great poet, which should be rendered here in the vernacular-"Opinion is stronger than truth,” said Sophocles; and, believe me, there is something in that saying. But although opinion may be stronger than truth, it is only for a time. Gentlemen should recollect that on this subject the history of

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England will not exactly offer an embla- had not the slightest faith in treaties soned page. I do not think the history of of commerce. In the year 1846 I begged any country records so much inconsistency to remind the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. and injustice, or can discover a narrative Gibson) of the circumstances of Brazil. I of so much injury inflicted upon national begged to remind him that the European interests, as is exhibited in the matter population of Brazil was not equal proof the abolition of slavery by the Eng-bably to one-half the population of the melish people; and I attribute it simply to this tropolis in which we reside, and that the reason, namely, that we entered upon the rest consisted of three millions and a half enterprise without sufficient knowledge of of slaves-that it could not be placed in the subject. It was an exciting topic-it comparison with an English colony in was addressed to an insular people of point of civilisation-and that, of course, strong purpose, but very deficient infor- it must be deficient in those wants which mation it was cherished by a great are the consequences of civilisation, and party as promising to lead to political which are the stimulants to commerce in power. But the course of time, which supplying them. I told him that, after all, settles everything, has entombed the great- putting all the West Indian colonies togeest blunder that was ever committed by ther, it was a question between the English the English people. They now find, that colonies and the Portuguese colonies; and as in pandering to the ambition of great men, I thought the English colonies would afford they have not only incurred immense pe- a far better trade than the Portuguese, I cuniary sacrifices, but ruined, perhaps, the preferred leaning to them. But he was noblest appendage of the empire, and an apostle then of the creed of buying in stimulated by prohibiting-perhaps even the cheapest market and selling in the perpetuated-slavery in every part of the dearest, which he calls free trade. And world where slavery existed before. But what is the result of our sacrificing our there is another class of observations-West India colonies? I do not decide and observations of a more business-like upon any mystical statistics. I now have character which are always brought forward whenever we make any attempt in behalf of the sugar colonies of this country. When the Cabinet has spoken-when competition has been represented by the Prime Minister-when energy and enterprise have each been exhibited by a Secretary of State-then the still important, though secondary, Members of the Government advance, to vindicate the authentic sources of national wealth. I see a right hon. Gentleman opposite, a Member of the Government, who represents Manchester. And I remember, year after year, when I had the honour of sitting at the other side of the House, that right hon. Gentleman (Mr. M. Gibson) was always calling our attention to the practical and particular evils of our colonial system. But what particularly interested him was, the danger we thereby incurred to our commerce with the great Brazilian empire. In following my right hon. Friend, I suggested to him that it was desirable we should be as well acquainted as practicable with the resources of this great Brazilian empire. Night after night the right hon. Gentleman and the party with whom he acted were in the habit of demanding of the Member for Tamworth whether he had concluded a treaty of commerce with Brazil; and that, too, whilst they were alleging that they

what Dr. Johnson called "the test of truth;" and I know that test has taught us fatal consequences. The increase of your exports to the Brazils is little more than three times the amount of your exports to a single colony, the last victim of your legislation-the Mauritius. Would it not have been desirable to have shown that the industry of Manchester was greatly supported by the Brazils? I want to know from the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Manchester, or from some other of those fervent disciples of free trade opposite, what is the amount of encouragement given to the industry of Manchester by the trade with Brazil? I see by the papers of this day that the home trade in Lancashire is improving that it is reviving; but I did not see or hear anything of the revival of the Brazilian trade. There was no news that the 3,000,000 of slaves, on each of whom not a dollar a year is spent in clothing them, had thrown off their check cotton shirts, and put on the attire of Caciques. I have not yet heard that the returns of our Brazilian trade have been replenishing the coffers of the Exchequer. We have now the official evidence of the extent of this boasted Brazilian commerce; and a more sorry account-a more miserable bill of fare (though what we expected) could not possibly exist. If the