exercise, and protection "the only instance, he believed, of Earl Grey being a" Protectionist.' And the surgeon-superintendent is to promote singing and dancing: "The people should have every encouragement to take the air on deck, especially while their berths are being cleansed and ventilated, and the surgeon will be careful to promote dancing and singing. They are on no account to be called on to do any work on board, except cleaning their own deck and sleeping places, or receiving at the hatchways fuel, provisions, and water; and he will be particularly careful that they be not placed to draw water from the sea, or otherwise employed in any situation in such a manner as to endanger personal safety. "He will use every exertion to promote cleanliness among the people. In suitable weather, bathing may be enjoined on the emigrants." How inconsistent this with the protection-from-falling-overboard clause! What would the hon. Member for Finsbury, the Coroner for Middlesex, think of this new requirement? for not only must he be able to medicine to sweet sleep," but he must be skilled -" to teach Lavolta's high and swift couvantos." This instruction was founded upon the principle, he presumed, that "The man that hath not music in himself, Nor is not moved with concord of sweet sounds, Is fit for treason;" and, by teaching the immigrants singing and dancing, his noble Friend at the head of the Colonial Department imagined, it might be presumed, that he would ensure their loyalty when these Coolie immigrants arrived in the West Indies. He would like to know from his right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, unless it were a breach of the Privy Council oath, to divulge whether Her Majesty, when in a fit of playful malice, knowing that the noble Secretary of the Colonies was not what is commonly called "a good sailor," took him with her on her late trip to Scotland, insisted upon his performing during his qualms of sea-sick agony the part of "the Swedish Nightingale;" or before he had got what seamen called "his sea legs," commanded him to perform a pirouette-the polka, or more probably a reel ? The next was not so comical a regulation, but it was more expensive to the unfortunate planter. When the Coolies did get to the West Indies, it was one of the ordinances in the persecuted Crown colonies, that a medical officer was to visit all the immigrants, whether they wanted him or not-whether they were sick or sound every forty-eight hours or oftener; and this was to be done at the expense of the planters! Just imagine such a regulation applied to agricultural labourers in this country? What farm could be carried on? Was that the way they were to encourage competition of free against slave labour? The right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade had doubted whether "he were serious in proposing to distrain Cuba for the debt due to British subjects." The right hon. Gentleman must have been living in Ireland-where it is reckoned quite unreasonable to think of asking any man to pay his just debts-and must have got his mind imbued with lessons learned in Tipperary. For his own part, he did not for nearly twenty years had asked in vain see the injustice of the mortgagees, who for the payment, either of capital or interest of their debt, of forty-five millions sterling, calling upon Spain to cede the land of Cuba which had been mortgaged for that debt. The right hon. Gentleman should consult his noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, whose speech at the end of last Session he must have overlooked. To show what was thought in America of the justice of our claim, the noble Lord read an extract from the Boston Atlas : "The fact cannot be disguised, that there is a party in the United States which looks to the annexation of the island of Cuba to this country as a thing highly desirable. The question has yet only been broached publicly by a few presses, but those presses are known to represent the views of a large and influential class of citizens. That the scheme meets with favour in certain quarters cannot be doubted. Indeed, whatever scheme may be proposed, however absurd and unconstitutional it may be, if it be a scheme by which the slave power of the country can be strengthened, it is sure to find favour and friends. We therefore consider the matter as settled, that one of the issues likely to be presented to the people, within a few years, will be the annexation of And if we are not Cuba to the United States. greatly in error, there are causes at work in Europe which will precipitate the decision of the question. "The conclusion to which we have come is, that there is a determination on the part of Great Britain to get Spain to cede to her the island of Cuba, in payment of the seventy millions of pounds which she owes to British subjects. If Spain refuses to make the cession, then to seize the island by force and hold possescion. This could easily be done by England, with her immense army and navy, and boundless wealth. "This, we know, is but supposition on our part, but we think it is plausible. It also explains the attack which Lord Palmerston made upon the States of North America,' and the studied si lence with which the British Government has be- they would leave Africa clear and free, held our conquests in California, and of the Mexunpolluted by slavedealing and slaveican States in the valley of the Rio Grande. Remember, also, that Mr. Polk, in his message, last trading, to the enterprise of British merDecember, argued at much length, that the United chants and British West India planters States would have been justified in taking forcible honestly seeking by the inducements of good possession of Mexican territory, or, in declaring wages and bettered fortune to entice the war against that nation, because of their neglect sons of Africa to cross the Atlantic, and as to pay one of the instalments of the money due to this Government. The British Government freemen and free labourers create wealth can use the same argument in justification of the for themselves, at the same time that they seizure of Cuba, whenever they decide upon doing would be saving at least, if not adding it, and upon far more solid grounds; their claims wealth to, the British sugar planting coloare larger an hundred-fold against Spain than ours nies in the West Indies. In conclusion, he ever were against Mexico, and they have long remained unpaid. Another and a more powerful rea- would truly say, no man felt more strongly son which England could urge for taking such a step than he did the necessity for immediate would be, emancipation. By abolishing slavery in relief to the British colonies. Those coloCuba, you at once strike a death-blow at the Afri-nies might well exclaim in the language of can slave trade. Close the port of Havannah to the slaver, and Brazil alone remains to him as a market for his cargo. England has never acknowledged herself a convert to the 'continental policy' of Mr. Polk, any more than she did to the 'continental policy' of Napoleon Bonaparte. Every one can imagine the excitement which a step like the seizure or purchase of Cuba by Great Britain would create in our own country. We are naturally jealous of the encroachments of that Power; and Cuba is the key to the Gulf of Mexico, and is larger and of more value than all the other West India islands combined. We should be restless, for we would ill brook this nigh approach of John Bull upon our southern border, with the key of the Gulf in his pocket. The southern States would cry aloud against it, because of the near neighbourhood of a colony of liberated slaves, a thing for which they have a lively dread." The Times newspaper contained a few days ago an account of the capture of a bran new Portuguese brig by one of our cruisers. This brig had made four trips; in the first it had carried 500 slaves, in the second 1,000, and in the third 500 slaves. The fourth voyage, the captain said, would have been his last if he had not been taken. He had made twenty-five trips altogether during eighteen years, and had only been taken three times. The House might judge how far our blockading squadron answered its purposes when, out of twenty-five voyages, this slave captain had been captured only three times. His share of the spoil-though he had none in the captured cargo-had he taken his brig to Brazil, would have been 6,000 dollars. He repeated the advice he gave to the Government last night, to put an end to the slave trade by seizing Cuba, in repayment of the 45,000,000l. sterling due to British subjects by the Spanish Government. If they did this, then by an easy blockade of the coast of Brazil, they would effectually abolish the hideous traffic now carried on in human beings on the African coast, and having once accomplished this, the heroine of Sheridan Knowles' play- Thou ought'st, thou must. So choose betwixt my rescue and my grave, The hour of sacrifice is near." Motion agreed to. DISTILLING FROM MOLASSES, The CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHE- House resumed. Report to be received, HOUSE OF LORDS, Monday, February 7, 1848. MINUTES.] Took the Oaths.-Several Lords. PETITIONS PRESENTED. From Grand Protestant Associ ations of Loyal Orangemen, of several places, against the Admission of Jews into Parliament. By Lord Campbell, from Independent Order of Odd Fellows, of various places, that the Provisions of the Benefit Societies Act may be extended to them in common with other Benefit Societies. From Justices of the Peace, and others, of Forfar, for the Repeal of the Bank Charter Act, and Scottish Currency Act.-By the Earl of Eglintoun, from Provost and Town Council of Glasgow, against Alteration of the Navigation Laws.-By Earl Fitzwilliam, from English Presbyterians of Dukenfield (Cheshire), for the Removal of Jewish Disabilities.— From Northampton, for Alteration of the Municipal Corporations Acts.-From Clerks, Masters, and Matrons of Workhouss, and others connected with the Adminisstration of the Laws relating to the Relief of the Poor in England and Wales, for a Superannuation Fund for Poor Law Officers. From the Borough of Northampton, that the Privilege from Arrest now possessed by Members of Parliament may be abrogated.-By Lord Canning, from Committee of West India Planters and Merchants, and others (several petitions), for Consideration of the West India Colonies. DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH THE COURT OF ROME BILL. The MARQUESS of LANSDOWNE said, that in the exercise of the privilege which had always belonged to Members of that House, he proposed that evening to lay upon the table a Bill, and to move that it be read a first time. He hoped that they would permit him to dispense with any notice on the subject, and not require him on that occasion to enter into any lengthened statement. The object of the Bill which he intended to bring in was to enable Her Majesty's Government to open and carry on Diplomatic Relations with the Court of Rome. The Bill, which was very short, would be printed, and in the hands of every noble Lord to-morrow, and he hoped their Lordships would not object to give it a second reading on Friday. The noble Marquess concluded by presenting the Bill, and moving that it be read la. that House had gone into its discussion on several previous occasions, and had expressed decided opinions on the matter. He considered that fixing the second reading for Friday next was not demanding any very great facility; there were no great difficulties in legislating on the subject; the Bill was a very short Bill, and would not require any extraordinary time for its discussion. To-morrow, when the Bill came before them, they would be better able to judge how soon they ought to proceed to its discussion. The DUKE of RICHMOND hoped Her Majesty's Ministers would not fix such an early day for the second reading. The question was one of immense importance, and the Bill ought, therefore, to be well considered. He believed that not any part of the people of Scotland were aware that it was the intention of Her Majesty's Government to bring in such a Bill. For himself he could say, until that moment he had no idea that it was the intention of Her Majesty's Ministers to bring in such a Bill. It was a Bill which the greater part of the people of England would think offered violation to their religious feelings. EARL FITZWILLIAM did not think that the Bill could be characterised as offering any violation to the religious feel LORD STANLEY conceived that the measure proposed by the noble Marquess ought to contain such guards and restrictions as would satisfy the reasonable scruples entertained by the great body of the people of this country: assuming the policy on which this Bill was founded to be in the highest degree expedient and desirable, he still should say that such a measure ought not to be allowed to proceed with precipi-ings of the people of England. If he untancy. It was directly contrary to what were understood to be established principles, that the Sovereign of a free Protestant country should hold any sort of intercourse with the temporal Head of the Church of Rome. The question was one of great difficulty, and one respecting which there was great danger of misrepresentation; and he confessed it appeared to him a very rapid course of proceeding that such a Bill, introduced on a Monday, should be read a second time on the following Friday. He wished to know whether there was any reason for this haste and precipitancy any urgent necessity for such a departure from the ordinary course of proceeding? He trusted that the noble Marquess would reconsider his proposition, and permit the ordinary interval of a week to elapse between the one stage and the other of his intended measure. derstood his noble Friend's Motion corrcctly, it was to obtain leave to introduce a Bill for the purpose of allowing Her Majesty to establish a direct diplomatic correspondence with the Potentate who held sway over the Italian States. He could not think so ill of the mass of the people. of England as a nation, notwithstanding what might be said to the contrary, to suppose that they would conceive their religious prejudices were interfered with in this matter. Every one who knew the state of Europe, and especially of Italy, at this time, was of opinion that it was desirable that diplomatic relations with one of the most important rulers of the Italian States should no longer be interrupted. He hoped, therefore, his noble Friend would fix an early period for the second reading of the Bill. The EARL of EGLINTOUN said, nineThe MARQUESS of LANSDOWNE re-tenths of the people would be taken by plied, that he felt no desire for an undue surprise, as he had been, by this Bill. He precipitancy in such a case as the present; must beg leave to say, as far as that part at the same time he should be permitted to of the United Kingdom was concerned observe, that the question did not come with which he was intimately connected, it before the House as a perfect novelty; on was morally impossible that the people of the contrary, he and other Members of Scotland could have time to look over the The MARQUESS of LANSDOWNE would name as distant a day as possible. The Bill was to establish direct relations with the temporal Sovereign of the Court of Rome, the absence of which power had hitherto been felt to be a great inconvenience. Bill read 1a. THE WEST INDIES. Bill before the second reading had taken | lation by Parliament; and that, in conseplace. He trusted that Her Majesty's quence, the petitioners were utterly at a Ministers would pay some regard to the loss to know what course to pursue. They situation of that distant part of the United threw themselves on the consideration of Kingdom, and consent to postpone the Parliament, and implored their Lordships second reading to a later period. at the earliest period to let them know what measures were in contemplation with reference to the colonial possessions in the West Indies. They said, if it was deter. mined to persevere in the course Government had been advised to adopt, that they hoped, in mercy to them, Government would let them know their fate at once, and say whether it was their determination to pass an irrevocable sentence by which the British colonies were to cease to LORD STANLEY said: My Lords, four produce free-labour sugar; and that hencepetitions have been placed in my hands; forward this great necessary of life was to and I think it will be the course most con- be obtained from the produce of slave lavenient to the House that I should, in prebour. Such a course would, in their opinsenting those petitions, not only lay be- ion, inflict a less severe blow on their infore your Lordships the statements which terests than the protracted agony of inthey contain, but endeavour, at the same consistent legislation. I concur for the time, to bring some other circumstances most part in the allegations of the peticonnected with the subject under your no- tioners; I doubt not that most men would tice. I am desirous of stating as fully as do so who looked into the details and I can the state of the West Indies, and documents with which I have been furthe condition of the sugar trade- the nished; and it is my settled conviction that alarming condition of both-and the re- any man who looks into the subject will medies which the parties interested sug- agree with me that the state of the West gest for the relief of the evils under which India colonies is most embarrassing and they suffer. I will state those remedies; alarming. I concur with the petitioners and I think it further my duty to state the in the belief that the unfortunate state of extent to which I concur with the peti- these colonies has been brought on by the tioners, so far, at least, as I have been legislation of Parliament; and I concur able to form any opinion. The first of with the petitioners when they say, that, these petitions is from the members of the having surmounted a great difficulty, cast West India Association at Liverpool; and on them by the Legislature of which difthat petition does, to a certain extent, ficulty I should be the last to complainexhibit the reasonings and the statements but after they had overcome this difficulty, contained in the other petitions. All the and had the greatest reason to rely on the petitioners concur in representing the state continuance of protection from the British of the sugar trade as most depressed and Legislature-at that moment, when they alarming; and they all concur in repre- believed the extent of their trials was senting this state of things as induced by known, and the extent of their difficulties the acts and policy of the British Govern- ascertained-at that moment, when they ment, more especially by the operation of received the greatest amount of encouragethe Bill of 1846, admitting the importa- ment, when they had been induced to emtion of foreign slave-grown sugar into this bark yet larger amounts of capital upon the country in competition with the free-labour good faith of British legislation, there came sugar of our colonies. The Liverpool a sudden change in the course of that leAssociation conclude by a statement that gislation, which in the highest degree agthe ruin of which the petitioners complain, gravated the evils by which they were suris now in active progress; and, unless re-rounded. That is a case which the West lief be speedily afforded, there is every Indian interest can substantiate-of that reason to apprehend that that ruin will soon be finally consumated. The petitioners impute much of the sufferings and difficulties under which the colonies now labour, to the inconsistent course of legis they demand remedy and redress. I propose to state their case, and to substantiate it. On such a question I hope to be permitted to enter a little more at length into the evidence, for I feel that this is a question of vital importance. With regard to the allegations of the petitioners as to the present state of the West Indian colonies, I feel it is hardly necessary to trouble your Lordships with any statements in proof of their accuracy. The West Indian Committee have sufficiently proved that the condition of the colonies is the effect of past legislation. All classes are embarrassed the merchant and planter find themselves in similar difficulties. Each feels reluctant to abandon his property, and yet all feel, under the present wasting conflict, unless some remedies are proposed, that ruin would be the result. That, my Lords, is a general statement made by persons perfectly competent to give it on this subject. But, my Lords, it may be possible that individual cases may have more weight with your Lordships, and give you a better idea of the distress that exists at this moment in the West Indies, than any form of general allegation which I could adduce. And, my Lords, I hope I may be permitted on the present occasion to read a statement which I hold in my hand to your Lordships, in reference to an individual case of this description. It is made by a gentleman of the highest respectability, now resident in this country, and ready to substantiate it, if necessary. The noble Lord then proceeded to read the statement in question, which was to this effect: 66 My estates descended to me from my father, and have been in our possession upwards of seventy years thirty-two of these years they have belonged to me, and I have great experience of their capabilities. My nephew, the eldest son of the family, has for many years resided on the properties, with his wife, and manages them most ably. The estates are situated in the most fertile part of the east coast of Demerara, and the land yields more than 14hhd. of sugar per acre. They are free from mortgage. They have the finest machinery both for the drainage of the lands and for manufacture of sugar, and have three steamengines at work upon them. They have a fine people residing upon them, who, from being partners in the profits of the estates, and from long attachment to the family, work willingly and steadily The weather this last year has been most propitious to the cultivation, and the land has yielded well. The one estate has produced 500 hogsheads of sugar, and 250 puncheons of rum. The other estate 400 hogsheads of sugar, and 200 puncheons of rum. The hogsheads on both estates are what are called heavy hogsheads, averaging a ton weight gross, or 1,600 cwt. net. From the 1st January to the 1st July, 1847, the prices of sugar ranged from 21. to 18l. per hogshead; from 1st July, 1847, to 1st January, 1848, they ranged from 131. to 11l. per hogshead, the last price I received being 117. 148. per hogshead. By the periods named you will perceive that the great drop The difference (proceeded the noble Lord) he accounts for, by stating that the sugar raised upon the one was sold by previous engagement, made before the period at which the Legislature had lowered the duty, and along with it the price of sugar in this country: the other was sold at the current rates. My Lords, that is the statement of an individual case, and I have connected with the West Indies, that neibeen assured this morning by a gentleman ther in Demerara, Jamaica, nor Trinidad, the great sugar-producing colonies, is it possible to raise 1,000l. on the security of any property situate there. That is the state in which the West Indian proprietors represent themselves as being placed; and this they attribute to your legislation. My Lords, I must, with your permission, to do justice to my case, go back to a period somewhat earlier than the present; and I hope I may be forgiven, if, with the recollection of the part I took in the settlement of the slavery question, 1 am anxious to place the state of the West Indies, before and subsequent to the Emancipation Act of 1833, before your Lordships on this occasion. The Act of 1833 declared the utter and entire abolition of slavery at the end of a certain period. That Act was accompanied, my Lords, by a grant, mag, nificent in amount, as far as the sacrifices made by this country were concerned grant which, inasmuch as it was entirely consistent with the claims of justice, policy, - |