"It will not escape your Excellency, that the Duke of Wellington and Lord Aberdeen have put everything in motion to wrest from us confiwith the Turks. It appeared to us useless to redences as to the conditions of our future peace peat the assurances which, on this point, all the declarations of the Emperor contained, or add even any development of them. We shall confine ourselves to these generalities, for every circumstantial communication on a subject so delicate would have drawn down on us real dangers; and if once we were to discuss with our Allies the articles of a treaty with the Porte, we shall only content them, when they would have believed that they had imposed upon us irreparable sacri fices." Now follow these remarkable words, which are the key to the policy of Russia; and let me add, and I do it with great sorrow, the policy of the noble Lord— try to a strong and unanimous desire for a | tion to this important fact, that so far from firm and intimate alliance in all future its having been accepted, it was solemnly negotiations affecting the peace and inter- and effectually protested against by Lord ests of the world with France, even against Aberdeen, as we learn from the despatch all other Powers. The noble Lord came of Prince Lieven, dated London, June, into power when the mania for reform was 1829. It saysat its height it was no longer possible for the noble Lord to advocate in his seat, and on the Treasury Bench, those interests which he had advocated in Opposition. Accordingly, from November 1830, we hear no more speeches of the noble Lord, made in the defence, or in vindication of the just demands of Russia upon Turkey. The people of England had confidence in the then Ministry, a confidence justified by long services and personal character of some of its principal Members; and the noble Lord who had recently joined the party of reform, came in for a share of the common popularity. The people of England believed that he would not sacrifice to Russia the rights and interests of England and other nations; and that he would not repel France who had now become our ally, and was no longer an object of jealousy with us. Moreover, the Polish insurrection had just broken out, and the sympathies of England were with the Poles. And so strong were their sympathies, that the noble Lord dared not, at that juncture, openly oppose them. But the people of England placed confidence in the noble Lord, and too much relied upon his professions of attachment to the cause of Poland; and in that blind confidence they forbore to incite him to do that to which they generously supposed his principles inclined him principles which he professed to share with the noble Lord the Member for the city of London and other friends of the cause of civil and religious freedom. Accordingly, not a syllable, as to his views respecting the designs of Russia, appears to have been uttered by the noble Lord the Member for Tiverton, from his accession to office in 1830, and for many years afterwards. But still what Lord Aberdeen had to his utmost endeavoured to prevent, was silently pursued by the noble Lord, not only in Turkey, not only in Greece, but also in Poland, and in every part of the world where there were Russian interests to be furthered and English interests to be sacrificed. The Duke of Wellington, on going out of office, had left behind him a Protest against the Treaty of Adrianople. To "It is in the midst of our camp that peace must be signed, and it is when it shall have been concluded that Europe shall know its conditions. Remonstrances will then be too late, and it then will suffer what it can no longer prevent." This, Sir, was on the 1st of June, 1829, and before the noble Lord obtained office. How fearfully has the fulfilment of the prediction already been advanced! Let the House consider what was the state of our foreign relations when the noble Lord became the Foreign Secretary of State. Not a single aggression had then been committed upon Turkey or any other European or Asiatic Power since the Treaty of Vienna, to which England was a party, or against which she had not protested. Down to 1830 there are none of those paper blockades, armed interventions, and military negotiations, with which the noble Lord has made the world so familiar; none of those violations of the common law of nations and of their treaty rights which give its character to the policy of the noble Lord. Down to the period when the cry of Reform began-when men began to seek after novelties of doctrine, and to eschew the sober realities of life-down to that period, England had not committed against the common law of nations anything for which she would be liable even to the suspicion of reproach. International law was then respected and enforced-Poland had not fallenthat treaty I shall by and by have to Persia was not then enthralled by the Czar make reference. I therefore draw atten--Central Asia was still warmly attached to our alliance-the plains and valleys of the Iberian Peninsula had not been laid desolate and deluged with blood-Circassia had not been betrayed-Canada was loyal India tranquil and prosperous. We were still the faithful ally of the Porte. Between the United States and this country, no cause of bitterness existed-even the Boundary Question no longer divided those two kindred States-for that question had been definitively settled by the award of the King of the Netherlands. There was not a single difficulty that could embarrass the operations of our Government in its relations to a single foreign State. Let the House consider how different is now the state of the world from what it was in 1830; and let the House remember that during the whole intervening period of eighteen years the Foreign Office has been either under the direct control and management of the noble Lord, or involved in and compromised by the results of his Administration. What a contrast is that between the picture which will offer itself to the eye of the successor of the noble Lord, and that which was presented to the noble Lord himself, on that day of evil omen when he first acceded to the administration of the national affairs of this country-a deplorable choice, which would never have been made if the dying words of Mr. Canning had been remembered and obeyed. Two matters there were, indeed, in 1830, which somewhat shaded the otherwise bright prospect. The one was the Treaty of Adrianople, extorted from Turkey by Russia, in violation of the Treaty of London-the other was the occupation of Algiers by the Government of Charles X. But even here the wise foresight of Lord Aberdeen had interposed to quench the mischief in its first beginning. Against the Treaty of Adrianople he distinctly protested. The expedition against Algiers was undertaken to resent a supposed injury and insult which, according to the French Government (I will not stop to inquire into the truth of the allegation), had been offered by the Dey of Algiers to a diplomatic agent of France. Explanations were demanded by Lord Aberdeen; and the French Government was informed that, though England could not justify intervention to prevent the French Government from obtaining a just indemnity and satisfaction for whatever injury it had received, still no territorial aggrandizement of France in the Medi terranean, at the expense of the Porte, could be sanctioned by the English Government. Lord Aberdeen obtained from the Prince de Polignac the solemn assurance that the King of France sought no territorial aggrandizement; and that the terms of adjustment with Turkey and Algiers should be settled only after deliberation with the Allies of both Powers; and that, with the exception of two forts on the seaboard, La Callé and La Bastion de France, which were to be retained for the protec tion of the residents, the Algerine territory should be evacuated by the French army as soon as satisfaction was obtained. The revolution came; and France felt all the more the necessity of an English alliance against the apprehended invasions of a Russian and Austrian force; and if the negotiation for the surrender of Algiers to the Porte had still to be commenced, can it be believed that France would not have gladly made the sacrifice to secure the useful and valuable friendship of her new ally? How much more easy was it then for the noble Lord to obtain that concession, when in asking it he had to demand only the fulfilment of that which had been stipulated with his predecessor. The endeavour was not made, and Algiers was permanently abstracted by France from the dominion of Turkey, and the noble Lord connived at the usurpation. To this subject I shall have to refer by and by. At present I will content myself with repeating that the Treaty of Adrianople and the occupation of Algiers, thus severally protested against on the part of the British Crown, constituted the only exceptions to the general tranquillity and repose of the world at the time when the noble Lord, unhappily for England, became charged with the Foreign Department. Now, Sir, what was the first act of the noble Lord? In tracing the progress of Russian usurpation, I begin with Turkey, and for two reasons: the one is, because the occupation of that country was indicated of old by the Czar Peter as the first important step to the world's dominion, in the instruction which he drew up, and from which I have quoted a few passages; and secondly, because of its peculiar importance and interest to our Eastern Empire, which is also endangered and threatened by Russia, and of which Turkey is the only bulwark. I said just now, that the time would comé when our colonial dominion, and our Indian empire, and even our independent existence, would pass away, and that it | fectly understand-difficulties superinduced depended mainly upon the success of this by the events of Navarino and Adrianople Motion whether or not this generation will which made it impossible to resist this witness it. I will now tell the House why I think so. We are now at the crisis. At this moment Russia is powerless against England; but in a short time it will be England that is impotent to resist Russia. The whole depends on one point-the possession of Constantinople. At this moment Russia dares not make war upon England. At this moment she is vulnerable in the very heart and strength of her empire. She has 2,000 miles of open coast to defend. All her efforts are, therefore, directed to the extension of her frontier to the Dardanelles. Then she will have narrowed that frontier to one league, and made it impregnable. Such is the position which she acquires from the moment that you have placed her in possession of Constantinople; for it will be by your act, and not by hers, that she is placed there. I say that to the Russians it is a vital question; to her and to us it is a question of life and death. Then, with subjugated Asia behind her, and Europe powerless in her front, and holding the keys of maritime and terrene dominion, it will depend on her to say how long shall endure-I will not say our Indian empire, nor our colonial rule-but our very existence as an independent State. powerful vassal at that time without calling in the aid of those Powers who had guaranteed the integrity of his empire — a guarantee on the faith of which the Porte, in 1829, had agreed to accept their interference. Accordingly, and on the security of treaties, application was made by the Porte to the noble Lord to protect Turkey against the Pacha of Egypt. The noble Lord refused this protection. Russia then offered her assistance; her offer was refused; for, notwithstanding the injustice and perfidy with which the noble Lord had already begun to treat Turkey, confidence was still reposed in England, and Russia was still held at defiance. A renewed application was made to England for support; and this time Russia affected to lend her countenance to the request. It was again refused. Yet, at a subsequent period, it appeared that the slightest intimation of the noble Lord's wishes would have sufficed to check Ibrahim's march. In fact, a mere consular agent at Alexandria of himself sufficed to check it. The Sultan, finding himself deprived of English support, however, at this critical juncture, and fearing for his capital, at length, and without the knowledge of the Porte, accepted a treaty which came to him ready drawn from St. Petersburg, and which placed his person and capital in the hands of Russian troops. Count Orloff was sent with this treaty from St. Petersburg; and he procured its acceptance by the Porte. It was signed at Unkiar Skelessi, shortly after his arrival; but not till the Porte had made another ineffectual attempt to move the noble Lord to justice. For no sooner had the Porte received it, than the treaty was communicated by them to the British Embassy, with a prayer for our protection against Ibrahim Pacha, and also against Nicholas. I do not think that our Ambassador was then there. The Ambassador, at every emergency brought about by the noble Lord, is always found to be absent. At all events the application was rejected. But that was not all. With an atrocious perfidiousness, the fact was made known to the Russian Minister! Next day the very copy of the treaty which the Porte had lodged with the British Embassy was reIn 1833, Mehemet Ali's forces, under turned to the Porte by the Russian Amthe command of Ibrahim Pacha, his son, bassador, who ironically advised the Porte marched against Constantinople. There" to choose better another time its confiwere difficulties which the House will per- dantes." The noble Lord best knows whe Sir, in 1833, Turkey found herself engaged in war with her vassal, the Pacha of Egypt. I shall not stop to point out by what means that powerful vassal was pushed on to attack the Porte. There never was any question in the mind of any man amongst those charged with the conduct of our foreign affairs, that he was pushed on by Russia. I will, however, lay before the House, as briefly as I can, the results with which my humble industry has furnished me, from such sources as I have found open to me. For I have to state, that the volume of papers which the noble Lord in 1840 pretended to lay before the House, in explanation of the Treaty of July, 1840, and of the events which led to that measure, commence only with February 15, 1839. That was not the beginning of the question. The question arose in the year 1833. The whole case, therefore, has never yet been laid before Parliament. ther the actor of this perfidy was chastised or rewarded. But no sooner was the treaty signed, than, shaking off his inaction, the noble Lord gave the necessary orders, and an English squadron, accompanied by a French squadron-for; the French Government were then most disposed to co-operate implicitly with England in the affairs of the East-made a hostile demonstration, not against Russian ports in the Baltic or the Black Sea, but against the Dardanelles and other parts of the dominions of our ally the Sultan! Yet the alleged necessity for this demonstration was grounded on the Porte having accepted the Treaty of Unkiar Skelessi at the dictation of the Cabinet of St. Petersburg! Sir, even this was not all. I have it on the authority of a book revised and pub. lished under the eye of Lord Ponsonby himself, our Ambassador at Constantinople I have it on the authority of a book, which not only received the sanction of that noble Lord, but of which he is understood to have sometimes claimed the honour of authorship, that at the very time when this pretended demonstration took place, a communication was made to the Russian Ambassador here by the noble Lord the Member for Tiverton MR. MAGAN moved that the House be counted. There being found only thirty-nine Members present, House adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Wednesday, February 9, 1847. MINUTES.] NEW WRIT.-For Dublin University, v. Right from Arrest may be abrogated..-By several hon. Members, from various places, for and against the Jewish Disabilities Bill.-By Sir R. Inglis, from Norfolk, in favour of, and by Mr. C. Anstey, from several places, against, the Ro man Catholic Relief Bill.-By Mr. A. Duncombe, from Nottingham, and Earl Jermyn, from Suffolk, for Repeal of Duty on Attorneys' Certificates.-By Sir E. Buxton, from Cadogan Williams, for the Establishment of Agrident Order of Odd Fellows, Manchester Unity, that the Provisions of the Benefit Societies Act may be Extended to them.-By Mr. Baines, from Kingston-upon-Hull, for cultural Schools.-By Sir J. Tollemache, from Indepen Sanitary Regulations.-By Mr. Cubitt, from Andover, for Retrenchment of the Naval and Military Expenditure.-By Mr. O. Duncombe, from Poor Law Officers, for a Superannuation Fund.-From Woodbridge, for ness, for Inquiry respecting Turnpike Roads (Scotland). -By Sir E. Buxton, from Burton-upon-Trent, for the Abolition of the Punishment of Death.-From Inver Adoption of a Treaty of Arbitration between the British Government and the other Governments of the world respectively, to Settle Disputes between Nations. SPIRITUAL LORDS. MR. URQUHART begged to ask, whether it were the intention of Ministers to advise Her Majesty to call the Bishop of Hereford to the House of Peers? SIR G. GREY replied, that the Act passed during the last Session of Parliament for creating a Bishop of Manchester, provided that no addition should be made to the number of Lords Spiritual. MR. URQUHART said, that was not an answer to his question. He wished to know whether it were the intention of the Government to advise Her Majesty, in the exercise of Her undoubted prerogative, to call the Bishop of Hereford to the House of Lords. SIR G. GREY: It is not the intention of Her Majesty's confidential adviser to recommend Her Majesty to increase the number of Spiritual Peers. THE STATE OF IRELAND. MR. P. SCROPE said, he rose to put to the right hon. Secretary for Ireland the question of which he had given notice. He considered that the present condition of Ireland had not received proper attention. He believed that many of the inhabitants of this country, if they were called upon to render any further aid to the people of Ireland, would say, "We have passed a poor-law to relieve the miseries and distresses of the Irish people; let that poor-law take its course; let it be carried oot effectually: let the landlords of Ireland, by the help of that poor-law, settle the matter themselves; and do not trouble us on the subject, or, at all events, don't ask us for more money." He would, therefore, claim the indulgence of the House for a few moments, while he called their attention to some of the statements which had appeared in the public journals with reference to the misery and destitution which existed in Ireland. He would not refer, as his authorities, to the repeal journals, which might be disposed to represent matters in their worst aspect, but he would read some passages from a newspaper which was supposed to be the organ of the Government-the Dublin Evening Post, to show the condition of the people in many parts of Ireland. The hon. Gentleman read an extract from the Dublin Evening Post of Saturday last, stating that the intelligence from the western counties was most appalling; that on the preceding Tuesday the town of Roscommon was crowded with destitute persons; that the workhouse already contained 1,100 inmates, and that 2,000 more were vainly seeking admission; that from the number of destitute peasantry who crowded into the town the inhabitants became alarmed, and the workshops were closed; and that several of these people died before they could leave the town, while hundreds were strolling about suffering from fever, spreading disease wherever they went. The hon. Member also read, from the same journal, a communication from Galway, stating that on Wednesday 3,000 starving individuals were in the streets of that town almost destitute of clothing and clamorous for food, and that three children died in one night from exposure to the severity of the weather in the streets. It was evident from these and other similar statements with which the Irish local journals were filled, that a very large portion of the population of Ireland were still in the most extreme destitution, and on the very verge of starvation. He referred to these accounts in order to draw the attention of the House and of the public to the necessity of some inquiry into the operation of the poor-law of last year, and in order to ascertain if it were true that, notwithstanding that law, which gave the destitute poor of Ireland a title to relief, the people of that country were now dying by scores, and were likely soon to die by hundreds, for the want of that relief which the law professed to secure to them. It might be said these were only newspaper stories. But he could produce statements of a more authentic character to show that so long back as three months ago the Irish people were deprived of that relief to which they were entitled. He wished it, however, to be understood that he brought no charge against the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary for Ireland, or against Her Majesty's Government. But he did say that it was necessary that these facts should be either explained or denied; and that it should be made known from authority whether the poor-law was really effective as a resource against the starvation of the poor or not. He had this morning received a letter from a gentleman in the county of Limerick, asking whether, under the late Act of Parliament, if a person who had applied for relief to ex-officio or elected guardians, died for want of such relief, as was the case in many instances, the relieving officer was liable to prosecution? The fact was, that the people of Ireland did not understand what the law really was; they were not aware whether the law with regard to the granting of relief was imperative or not; and he thought that some public declaration should be made by the Government on the subject. Let it be remembered that up to July last one-third of the population of Ireland were fed at the public expense; and if it was not intended that the relief afforded under the poor-law, which was substituted for that system, should be compulsory, he contended that it was most unjustifiable to discontinue a system of relief by which alone 3,000,000 of the Irish people were saved from starvation. The Poor Law Act of last year expressly required that the boards of guardians should make provision for the due relief of all destitute poor persons; and the Poor Law Commissioners, in a circular dated the 26th of July last, warned the boards of guardians that they were absolutely required from that time forward to give due relief, according to their necessities, to all classes of the poor of Ireland. The Lord Lieutenant of Ireland was reported to have declared, in a speech he recently made at the Mansion-house, that the Poor Law Act of last year did, for the first time, give to the poor of Ireland a right to relief which would preserve them from starvation. The highest judicial authority of Ireland, the Lord Chief Justice, in opening the special commission at Limerick, prefaced his charge to the grand jury by stating, as an aggravation of crimes of an agrarian character, that a law had been passed giving a certain and effectual relief to every destitute poor man in Ireland, and that such a measure ought to have the effect of taking away all apology for crime. This was the language of that learned Judge:— "As I have adverted to what may be fairly termed the principal object of these illegal confederacies, I may observe that at no period does there appear to be less reason on that account for interfering with the rights or remedies of landlords, because you are all well aware that the principle that every individual has a right to be supported by the land is not only an acknowledged principle, but has been embodied in an Act of Parliament in full execution, by which Act the most stringent measures are provided for making effectual provision for the poor under all circumstances, and that, too, at the cost of the very class of persons against whose rights there is this general opposition." There can, therefore, be no doubt that the intention of the Legislature, and the letter of the Act, as interpreted by the highest |