see the commercial credit of this country perfectly restored; you will preserve unimpaired the public faith, and you will run no danger of seeing this great empire insulted or injured by any Power whatsoever. The noble Lord concluded by proposing, pro formá, the two following resolutions: Resolved-" That, towards making good the Supply granted to Her Majesty, the sum of 8,000,000l. be granted out of the Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland." Resolution to be reported. Motion made, and Question proposed That, towards raising the Supply granted to Her Majesty, the respective Duties in Great Britain on Property, Profits, Professions, Trades, and Offices, and the Stamp Duties in Ireland, granted by two Acts passed in the sixth year of Her present Majesty, and further continued by two Acts passed in the eighth year of Her present Majesty, shall mise to the House, and state only the out- | power honestly to propose such a reduclines of the financial condition of the coun- tion at the present time; and I cannot try, yet I have been obliged to enter con- consistently with my duty to the country siderably into detail, both in regard to adopt that course. I have taken upon me the falling-off of the revenue, and the rea- that which is an odious part of the duty of sons for the estimate which we now pro- a Minister, perhaps, but which is neverthepose. I have done so, with a view that less an imperative duty, and from which they might be fairly before you, and that I dare not shrink. I will end with stating the House might make up its mind con- my strong conviction that, by taking the siderately and deliberately upon this sub-course I have proposed, you will in time ject. We might have asked you to have voted the Navy and Army Estimates, which would have shown but a very small increase, and have postponed our financial statement to a later period; but I think it is due to the House of Commons that they should know what we intend to bring before them; and that if they vote for the estimates we propose, some increase of taxation will be necessary. Therefore we propose to them at once that question, which may be the most difficult and which also may be the most unpopular course as far as regards ourselves, but which both we and the House are nevertheless bound to look in the face as the guardians of the public purse, and as the guardians of the independence and honour of the country. I have shown you that during a peace of upwards of thirty years, this House has been enabled to take off nearly 40,000,0001. of taxes, of which more than 10,000,0001. pressed upon the comforts and enjoyments of the industrious classes of the people; while doing that, you have preserved your empire not only undiminished, but extended. Consistently with these reductions, you have been enabled, under the guidance of the right hon. Gentleman opposite (Sir R. Peel), to give scope to those principles of commerce of which Adam Smith was the great propounder, and of which Mr. Pitt in the plenitude of his power declared himself an advocate and porter. With these reductions you have been enabled to suppress insurrection in Canada, and to repel aggression in India. You have been enabled to maintain your colonial establishments, and protect your fellow-subjects at the Cape of Good Hope, they being subjects of the same Sovereign, and inheritors and participators of the same glorious privileges that belong to all the members of the British empire. I believe that if you continue in this course, and persevere in upholding the credit of the country, you will be able in future years to give very great additional relief to the people by a still further reduction of taxation. I regret that it is not in our sup be further continued for a time to be limited. "That, towards raising the Supply granted to Her Majesty, there be charged annually, for a time to be limited, the several additional Rates and Duties following, that is to say— Professions, Trades, and Offices whatever, upon which an annual Rate or Duty of seven-pence for every twenty shillings of the annual value or amount thereof is now payable, there shall be charged for every twenty shillings of the annual value or amount thereof, an additional Rate or Duty of fivepence. "For and in respect of all Property, Profits, and 66 For and in respect of the occupation of any lands, tenements, and hereditaments, upon which an annual Rate or Duty of threepence halfpenny for every twenty shillings of the annual value or amount thereof, is now payable, there shall be charged for every twenty shillings of the annual value or amount thereof, an additional Duty of twopence halfpenny. For and in respect of the occupation of any the annual Rate or Duty of twopence halfpenny lands, tenements, and hereditaments, upon which for every twenty shillings of the annual value or amount thereof is now payable, there shall be charged for every twenty shillings of the annual value or amount thereof, an additional Duty of twopence." MR. HUME must say that he had never listened to a budget with more pain than to that of the noble Lord. The noble Lord and his Colleagues evidently saw the state of the country in a very different point of view from what he over the world, meddling where they were He Scotland would become like the population of Ireland, and master and man would be alike crushed down to the earth. He made these observations with great pain; but he had lived long enough in that House to see a great many measures carried, though afterwards his objections against them were found to be true and correct. should have but a poor opinion of the people of this country if they could suffer such an increased charge in our naval and military establishments in a time of peace, and when the country was looking for a reduction of taxation. How far the proposal of the Government for a militis would go he did not know; but he could tell the noble Lord that persons who might be drawn from the militia would not display the same spirit which they had formerly exhibited. He had no objection to an increase of the regular Army; but he did object to the Government taking people from their homes, and placing months. He should have thought, therethem in a position which would unfit fore, that instead of requiring even the them for any other occupation. When he smallest increase, they might have had the looked at his own parish, the rich parish satisfaction of hearing that their national of Marylebone, and found that there were defences were, as he believed them to be, 15,000 poor daily receiving parochial relief in a very satisfactory condition-in that in it, he took that to be a sufficient indica- point to which they should turn their tion of the depressed state of the country. greatest attention. As to the Army, withHe need only refer to the statement of out suggesting that any decrease might the noble Lord himself to show the House have been proper, he must express his conwhat number of persons were wholly out viction that a different disposition of the of employment, or only half employed; same force might have been made, which and since he had entered the House that would have saved that large additional exevening he had been told that several penditure of which the noble Lord spoke in mills in Lancashire must be shut up in the dealing with the Ordnance estimates. He course of a few weeks. Not having heard was quite aware that it required much one reason adduced why our existing es- more time to train men for the ordnance tablishments should be increased, he than for the infantry; but why should they should oppose the proposition made on the not then diminish the infantry and inpart of the Government. crease the ordnance? But a suggestion had been made by the noble Lord as to the propriety of establishing a militia. That was a mere suggestion-the result apparently of a divided Cabinet; because the noble Lord had not pledged himself to that measure. He had thrown it out for consideration; but probably the present Cabinet, like some of its predecessors, had found the difficulty of dealing with that subject. His belief certainly was, that the proposition would be highly unpopular. The noble Lord had said that it was the old constitutional force. But when was it so? Why, at a time when there was no standing army. The standing army was proposed as an alternative; but having now got the standing army, they wanted to have the militia as well. [Lord J. RUSSELL: There was a militia in 1757.] The militia was established in the time of Charles II., as a substitute for a standing army; and the only standing army which Charles had was paid for out of his own civil list. It was true, also, that Lord Chatham had commended the militia, but he had commended it as a force which prevented the necessity of a standing army. In Lord Chatham's time there was not, as now, a standing army of 60,000 men, or he would not have recommended the addition of the militia to that force; but something dropped from the lips of the noble Lord which had rendered his proposition even more alarming; for the noble Lord had said that the practice of substitutes had been found very inconvenient; and he supposed, therefore, that it was intended not only to draw men for the militia, but to compel them to serve. What was that but a conscription in every sense 2 H MR. BANKES would deal as fairly by the noble Lord as the noble Lord said he had dealt by the House, and would tell him at once he did not think the country was prepared for the propositions the noble Lord had laid down. The noble Lord wisely put the most popular estimates forward-first, the Navy estimates; for he agreed with the hon. Member for Montrose, that the country naturally turned to the Navy for their defence. There was never any disposition to cavil at those estimates; but, in the present case, he must say that he thought the Navy was employed in a way which caused an unnecessary increase in the expenditure for that branch of the service. He alluded to the squadron employed on the coast of Africa, which while it caused great destruction of life, failed to effect the beneficial object for which it was intended; if that squadron was ordered home a considerable expense would be saved. Then he might allude to the squadron in the Tagus, which conferred no national benefit, but only served to keep up contention and hostility. [Lord J. RUSSELL: They are ordered home.] Then the very circumstance of their being ordered home would afford the Government facility for increasing the national defences with out increasing the estimates; and, if they were ordered home, he thought the Government would have some explanation to give why they had been allowed to remain in Portugal so long, to that detriment of the ships and crews which the noble Lord had ascribed to remaining so long in port. [Lord J. RUSSELL: They are cruising about.] He had been informed of one ship not having weighed anchor for ten VOL. XCVI. Third Series as odious as any in the time of Napoleon? | distress. The present was a time when it It was very true that something of that was most important that they should take sort had been endured, and very cheer- every precaution not to give any real fully endured, by the people of this coun- ground for irritation to their poorer fellowtry about the years 1810, 1811, and 1812; countrymen, or cause them to think that he himself had served with 800 others in a that House was forgetful of the misery and militia regiment, and they had all borne distress which they were obliged to endure. that burden very cheerfully, because imme- That was not the moment to talk of valour diate invasion was then threatened, and and triumph, but the time for reflecting they were acting in the face of their bit- how they could remedy the evils which terest enemies. The bravery and gallantry pressed so heavily on the great masses of of the country had been recently excited the community, The noble Lord, however, by the achievements of our enemies abroad; as a consequence of his proposals, had inbut the state of things now existing was so vited the House to fix a considerable addidifferent that he could assure the noble tional charge upon the people. In 1842 the Lord that the proposition would not be re- noble Lord had admitted that he had voted ceived even with patience now. When the against the income-tax; but the noble army of Napoleon was encamped at Bou- Lord had spoken against it also; and his logne, it was natural that the bravery speech was a remarkable one with regard and spirit of the people should be ex- to the point then under considerationcited and from the recent memoirs our national defences. Speaking of forwhich had been published, it appeared eigners, and especially, he supposed, of that that energy had had great effect in our foreign neighbours, the noble Lord deterring Napoleon from attempting to in- had saidvade our shores. If the occasion should again arise, he entertained no doubt that the same spirit would be manifested, and that in a very short time an efficient force might be raised. He knew that the militia regiment to which he had referred was brought in fourteen days-certainly within a month- to such a state of efficiency, that, on being reviewed by officers of great appearance as if we were making a severe struggle experience, it was pronounced to be fit, in for our actual existence, and that, therefore, this conjunction with regular troops, for any country would be unprepared for war." service whatever; and a finer body of men That was the strongest objection made by never were seen. They might, therefore, the noble Lord to the income-tax in 1842; at a very short notice, raise a very efficient and, therefore, he was placed in this parforce; and they need not fear the French ticular situation. He said that his object newspapers; for if that feeling of hostility was to assure all the nations of the world should ever become the general feeling of that we were afraid of none of them; to asthe French people—as he was quite satis- sure, especially, the more powerful States, fied that it was not at present-the same who were the most likely to look with jeaspirit would arise as before; but, under lousy upon this country, that we were preexisting circumstances, they could not ex-pared for any contingency; and, in order cite that spirit; and the burden, therefore, would not be borne. He had not the fear of French invasion which others had, because he had witnessed how quickly men were produced when they were really wanted. The noble Lord, however, said, that he was not so much afraid as others were, but he was a little afraid; and that he was not so bold as others, but he was a little valiant; and, therefore, he had brought forward a half-measure, which would not deter their enemies from the prosecution of hostile plans, but would put out of good humour their friends at home, who had been bearing great and unmerited They were not aware of the amount of the burdens from which the population had been relieved; and what would they think of the condition of England if the people suffered, after many years of peace, the imposition of a tax, which was always considered a war tax, and which they would not endure even one year after peace had been concluded? Would it not inevitably pro duce in their minds the conviction that we had no other resource? It would have to them the to do that, the noble Lord had adopted the determination, according to his own showing, of playing his very last card-of playing that card, which, being played, all foreign nations must know that he had no other card left. He would, therefore, decline to continue the income-tax, if, under existing circumstances, that were possible; but, at all events, he urged upon the Government how inexpedient it was to increase that tax at the present time, and to hang out a signal of distress to the whole world. But perhaps the noble Lord would say, as he had referred to the former history of this tax, that they had still another card left to play-another 5 per cent to | taxation. The noble Lord had gone impose; perhaps he might say that he through the various items of this enorwould not stop till they had got the whole mous load of taxation; and he had told 10 per cent; but they would want to get them that since 1835 there had been an it if they remained on those benches. The addition of 92,000 men for the defence of best wish, therefore, for the nation's sake the country, including dockyard men and was, that their reign should be a short one. all the varied branches of the service. The doubt was, as the hon. Member for But the noble Lord had kept out of his Montrose had said, not so much whether it statement a very material force-he alludwere wise to make these proposals, or whe-ed to the Irish police force, which they ther the country could bear them. With these impressions, he regretted deeply the speech which they had heard that night. He could not then pledge himself as to the estimates to be proposed; he should regret extremely if he found it his duty to oppose any of the Navy Estimates; but with regard to the Army, he did hope that some consideration would be given to a different application and distribution of that force. MR. OSBORNE considered that of all the financial statements which it had been the duty of any Minister of the Crown to submit to the House, none ever exhibited greater candour than that which they had just heard; but, at the same time, he thought few statements had been made calculated to fill the country with so great alarm and consternation as that which had been so ably made by the noble Lord. He must confess he thought that had there been a regularly organised Opposition in that House, such a statement would never have been made; for any Minister of the Crown who ventured to come forward and call for an increase of taxation in the way done by the noble Lord, would in that case have signed the death-warrant of his Administration. He was much mistaken if, when that statement went forth to the country, the noble Lord's Ministry would not be regarded as the most unpopular and unfortunate that ever held power within the walls of that House. He had some time ago stated that it was his intention to call the attention of the House to the state of the national defences. He was glad, however, that the noble Lord had taken the subject out of his hands, for he was at issue with the noble Lord as to the most advisable means of improving the defences in question. For his own part, he believed that we could have increased naval and military efficiency with our present expenditure, and that, in fact, any Government calling itself a reforming and liberal Government might be able to cut down the expenditure in a way that would not prevent our being as efficiently served as now, instead of applying for an increase of could not look upon in the light of a police, as it was paid out of the Consolidated Fund, and formed one of the finest body of men the country ever possessed, amounting in number to from 10,000 to 12,000. They were told by the noble Lord that there was a deficiency of 3,346,500l., and he proposed to meet the excess of expenditure by increasing the income-tax to 5 per cent for two years. But did any one for a moment think that if they had this 5 per cent put on for two years, it would ever be taken off again during the whole of their natural lives? When the right hon. Gentleman (Sir R. Peel) proposed his income-tax, they were told it was to be only for three years. On that occasion he (Mr. Osborne) followed in the train of the noble Lord, led in some degree by the eloquence and convincing facts which he then employed, and voted against the Income-tax Act at every stage. He regretted, therefore, that the noble Lord should come down now, and tell them with such unblushing candour that he was not ashamed of the vote he gave and the speeches he delivered on that occasion, and then should himself propose that that tax be increased. He thought the right hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) was nobly avenged. And as for the party who now sat on the Ministerial side of the House, he did not care how soon they had to change their position to the opposite benches, for they had been better servants to the public when they occupied the Opposition benches than since they had held their present seats. [Laughter.] He thought, however, this was no matter for jest. He was much mistaken if they were not on the eve of very gloomy days in this country; and when the noble Lord talked of the valour and the greatness of the people of this country, and then told them of a diminution of 3,300,000l. in the revenue, he must have had no common nerve to deliver the speech which they had just heard, proposing an increase of taxation. As to the Caffre war, about which they had heard so much, he was prepared to say that what |