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of their legal operation; it would be for Presbytery, in which he acknowledged his future discussion how far they ought to be error, which arose from his supposition that altered or amended. Their object was the law meant only to apply to the people to prevent the growth of Popery, and the of the established church when it named learned doctor must be aware that the Protestants; that he sincerely regretted English as well as the Irish Statute Book what he had done; and concluded with was fully provided with enactments to giving an assurance that he would not that intent. He rose for the purpose of ever again transgress in like manner. vindicating the characters, and justifying But Mr. O'Flaherty had a curate, whose the proceedings of six magistrates of the name was O'Hagan, and in autumn last he county of Derry; and although they were. went to work in a similar manner. This treated by the learned doctor with deli- excited much agitation amongst the Prescacy, yet the very nature of his motion, byterians; and on the 4th or 5th of that a copy of commitment signed by Nov. last the magistrates before-named them against individuals, the proceed were assembled in the town of Newtown ings against whom he reprobated, should at petty sessions for general purposes, be produced, unnecessarily called down when the parents and relations of two some reproach upon them. He would young women named Loudin, complained satisfy the House that those persons were against priest O'Hagan for having celefree from the slightest blame; that they brated a marriage between Anne Loudin, had acted correctly as magistrates. They a Protestant, and John Kyle, a papist; were men of independent fortune, of in- and Martha Loudin a Protestant, and dependent minds, of education, intelligent, William Quigley, a papist. All the parties active in performance of all their duties were summoned, and all appeared exas magistrates and resident country gentle- cept the priest. They refused to be exmen. Yet all these qualifications did not amined, and were committed to the county protect them from being arraigned, tried, gaol for three years, or until they should found guilty, and punished, before the submit to be examined. They did not Catholic Association. That omnipotent remain in gaol, as the learned doctor had body took cognisance of their proceed- stated, for some weeks. After being conings; and he would shew that it was fined for two or three days, they expressed one of the hundred instances where, in a desire to be brought before a magistrate that nest of evils insufferable, interference for the purpose of obeying the law; and with the constituted authorities had been he (sir G. Hill), with the mayor of exercised. They were arraigned each by Derry, waited upon them in the gaol on name, by the leading director there. Sunday the 8th Nov., took their informa They were charged with unworthy mo- tions and recognisances, which they most tives towards the Roman Catholic popu- cheerfully gave, and they were liberated. lation, menaced with their hostility, re- The magistrates had no discretion in this probated in the severest terms, and, finally, commitment. The complaining parties a decree was passed to apply sufficient were before them, calling for the exercise means from that all-powerful engine, the of the law, which directs, that those susPopish Exchequer, to bring actions pected of being present at the celebration against them. He would now state the of the marriage shall, on refusing to be circumstances which led to the displeasure examined, be committed, as was done in of this disgusting assembly. A Mr. Neil this case. Although the learned doctor O'Flaherty, a Roman Catholic clergyman, had for the most part quoted the statute had, in the course of last summer, excited with much correctness, he was mistaken much uneasiness in Newtown-Limavady, if he supposed an idea was ever enterin the county of Derry, amongst the Pres- tained, that the priest was liable to the byterian congregation, by celebrating mar-penalty of the 12th of George 1st., by which riages between females of that persuasion and Roman Catholic men. The families and parents of the women applied to the presbytery of Derry for protection. Instead of immediately prosecuting Mr. O'Flaherty, the Presbytery adopted the milder method in the first instance, of remonstrance. He acquiesced at once to all appearance, and wrote an address to the

his offence was made felony without benefit of clergy. The warrant for his apprehension was for having incurred the penalty of 500l. under the 33rd George 3rd. which was bailable. He would not argue that the law ought not to be amended; but, to what extent or with what policy, he would not now offer any opinion. He had risen merely for the purpose

of vindicating his valuable friends from the unworthy imputation of mixing any other feeling than conscientious discharge of duty in their proceedings as magistrates, and to deprecate the mischievous interference of the Catholic Association with the constituted authorities of the land.

that they had no reason to apprehend any thing of the kind; but, the moment the furious language of reproach and hatred uttered by Mr. O'Connell, Mr. Shiel, and other demagogues, became known, from that moment these worthy magistrates were placed in a state of terror and alarm. This he thought was a pretty fair answer, Mr. John Smith begged leave to ask and it was a true answer, to the question the right hon. baronet what he meant, of the hon. gentleman. In every part of when he charged the Catholic Association the country, the speeches and proceedings with an attempt to excite rebellion and of this infamous, unconstitutional, and hatred against the magistrates who acted most mischievous body, had gone forth to in this affair? What language had they sow discontent. In the north, the Camade use of, or what were those particular tholic mind was thus alienated from their acts, which shewed any wish to excite the Protestant fellow-subjects, and they were Catholic population to vengeance? He taught to look upon them as their worst had read their speeches, and observed enemies. Many of the gentlemen of that their conduct, and his memory did not part of the country were, it was true, supply him with any thing that could be from principle, opposed to any further exconstrued into a threat of personal ven- tension of privileges to Roman Catholics; geance. It was true that they shewed a but, in all other respects, they were their disposition to apply part of the funds they friends. The Association was the cause had collected to prosecute individuals of this. They were chargeable with the where circumstances seemed to warrant whole of the evils; with having scattered it, against injustice. Such an object ap- distrust through all the relations of life. peared to him not only right, but most He thanked the learned doctor for the excellent. He saw no better way in manner in which he had brought forward which their money could be disposed of, this question. He had confined himself than in affording the means of protection to the statement of the law upon the subagainst injustice and personal oppression.ject, and to the view he took of it. The Mr. Dawson said, that if the hon. gentleman had paid sufficient attention to this particular case, to the events that were passing last summer in Ireland, and the effects produced by the speeches and conduct of the Association, he would not have found it necessary to put such a question to his right hon. friend. He would tell the hon. gentleman that the Association did excite the people to feelings of hatred and hostility against their Protestant fellow-subjects, and those worthy magistrates in particular. In their debates the names of these gentlemen were held up to reproach, by one of the most furious of their demagogues. The reports of his speeches were published and sent down to that part of the country in which these gentlemen resided. They were read by the Roman Catholics; and the consequence was, that they who before were held in the highest estimation and respect, and were on the best footing with their Roman Catholic neighbours, could not stir from their houses without being assailed with expressions of hatred, and menaces of violence from the Catholic population. Previous to this time they were so much respected among all classes,

Catholic Association did not act in this manner; but endeavoured to turn it into a source of bitterness and hatred. He concurred in opinion with the learned doctor, that the law required alteration. So far as he was informed, it was the opinion of every lawyer in Ireland, that the 33rd Geo. 3rd. repealed the penal part of the previous statute, which made it felony without benefit of clergy for a Catholic priest to marry two Protestants or a Catholic and a Protestant. By 33 Geo. 3rd. the penalty of 500l. was substituted in place of the punishment provided by the other statute. This was now the generally received opinion. If, however, any doubt remained on the subject, the law ought to be altered. At all events, whatever the state of the law might be, the conduct of the magistrates was completely free from blame. His right hon. friend had detailed the facts of the case very correctly. He had omitted, however, a few circumstances. He had stated, that the name of the priest who celebrated the marriage was O'Flaherty, and that the Presbyterian clergyman, when the fact became known to him, threatened a prosecution. The priest wrote a letter ac

knowledging his error, and promising that he would in future abstain from offending in the same way. Now, Mr. O'Hagan was aware of the promise that had been thus made, and yet he married these two young women, having previously bound them and the other parties by an oath of secrecy not to appear as witnesses. In consequence of refusing to give evidence they were sent to prison. When relieved from the apprehensions of incurring the censure of the priest if they should give evidence against him, they were very ready to appear. Mr. O'Hagan, however, had thought proper to fly the country.

Mr. North said, that happening to know the state of the case, he would take upon himself to declare that few offences were of more serious consequence than the transactions in question. For as, by the law, all such marriages were invalid, the children by them were of course illegitimate, and in nine cases out of ten the women were abandoned, and left to destitution. The joke of the learned doctor, that a man might be hanged first, and fined 500l. afterwards, was a very stale one in Ireland; although, perhaps, it might still amuse Doctors' Commons in this country. As to the fact, no lawyer doubted that the 33rd of the late king repealed the former act, by which the offence in question was constituted a felony. He by no means, however, meant to give an opinion on the merits of the acts under consideration; nor, on the other hand, was he desirous that his silence should be construed into hostility against them. It was a serious question whether such marriages should be invalidated or not. Still less was he disposed, on the present occasion, to say any thing of the Catholic Association, except that the steps which they took in the instance alluded to, were of a piece with the whole of their conduct.

Mr. Grattan was so far from consider ing that the conduct of the Catholic Association had been injurious in Ireland, that he was persuaded the country was never quieter than at present. He was acquainted with facts which proved, that if any disturbance had occurred, it was attributable to that party to which the hon. under-secretary was attached. He put it to the hon. gentleman, whether it was quite fair to attack, as he had done, individuals who were not present to defend themselves. Those individuals were men of high character. With respect to

the subject before the House, he felt grateful to his learned friend for having brought it forward, as it was one of considerable importance.

Dr. Lushington said, that notwithstanding what had fallen from a learned gentleman opposite, considerable doubts existed whether or not the penal statutes that had been alluded to were absolutely repealed. No one could deny, that to compel the parties to give evidence against those whom they had induced to commit the offence, was a gross violation of the laws of God and man. The right hon. baronet opposite had pronounced a splendid panegyric on the magistrates in question. He (Dr. L.) had never attacked them. But, so it always was. Let the slightest imputation be thrown out against an individual, and immediately they were overwhelmed with the praises of the whole body to which he belonged. It was singular enough, that in this case, where the magistrates were represented to be popular with the Catholics before this act, they became the reverse afterwards; which was a conclusive proof of the impolicy of the statute that could lead to such a spirit of animosity. The motion was agreed to.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Thursday, February 10. COMMITTEE ON THE STATE OF IRELAND.] The Earl of Liverpool rose, in pursuance of the notice he had given, to move the appointment of a committee to inquire into the State of Ireland in a more extended manner than the inquiry which took place last session. In doing this, he did not think it would be necessary for him to trouble their lordships with many words; but he should beg leave first to state the general object of the motion, and the course of proceeding which he thought ought to be followed. Their lordships were aware, that last session a committee was appointed by their lordships, to inquire into the state of certain disturbed districts in Ireland, which were subject to the Insurrection act. The principal ground for appointing that committee was, to enable the House to judge' of the necessity of continuing that act, and the inquiry was very properly confined to the counties which were then subject to the operation of the act; and likely to remain so. But, though the inquiry was, in point of form, limited as to

locality, it was extended to many other | year, with the exception of some who subjects than the state of the disturbed were either absent or wished to be exdistricts; and, indeed, became almost cused from attending. A noble friend of general. The noble lords who composed his who sat on the committee of last year, that committee would do his majesty's was absent on the continent, and he should government the justice to say, that no therefore move to appoint lord Fitzgibbon disposition was shown on their part to in the room of the earl of Aberdeen; and narrow the inquiry, and that a more con- as earl Fitzwilliam, on account of his age, venient course of investigation could not did not wish to continue on the committee, have been pursued. In consequence of a he would propose in his stead, the duke question put the other night by the noble of Devonshire. marquis opposite; namely, whether the powers of the committee proposed to be appointed would be such as to enable them to extend their investigation to the whole of Ireland; he had then answered, that he had no objection so to extend it; but that he meant to introduce some words into his motion which he thought it would be right for him now to state. Those words would, however, be introduced more with the view of directing the committee to the object of investigation, than from any wish to limit the inquiry. He would, therefore, move for a committee to inquire into the state of Ireland, and more particularly with regard to the circumstances which led to the disturbances in those parts of the kingdom which were the subject of inquiry last session. Under these terms, no fair subject of examination would be excluded. But, in thus appointing a committee to inquire into the actual state of Ireland, he certainly did not mean to refer to it that particular subject which was commonly called the Catholic question. That was a subject of too paramount importance to be consigned to an inquiry of this kind. It was competent for any member of their lordships' House to propose the discussion of that question; but he could not consent to its being specifically referred to a select committee, or to any committee which did not include every member of their lordships' House. It was, therefore, not with the view of having the Catholic question considered that he made the present motion. But, while he said this, it was not his intention to limit the inquiry, as to those facts which might relate to, or have a bearing on, the Catholic question. If there were facts connected with that question which, in the judgment of any noble lord, might throw light on the inquiry, he would not object to their being investigated. With regard to the composition of the committee, he should name for its members the same noble lords who composed the committee of last VOL. XII.

The Earl of Darnley reminded their lordships, that twelve months had not elapsed since he had, in vain, pleaded for that general inquiry into the state of Ireland which the noble earl now proposed. Upon that occasion the importance of the subject procured a very numerous attendance of their lordships, and his motion was negatived by a great majority; sixteen only having thought fit to support it. In stating this, he did not mean to claim the present motion as "his thunder." On the contrary, he assured their lordships, that he was perfectly well content to leave the thunder in the hands of the Jupiter who had undertaken to wield it. If, however, the noble earl meant to inquire into the state of Ireland without making the Catholic question his main object, and obtaining information respecting that question from those most capable of furnishing it, his inquiry would be useless. Their lordships would recollect, that when he brought forward last session the motion to which he had alluded, the Catholic question was the principal ground on which he founded it. Indeed, to overlook the Catholic question in an inquiry into the state of Ireland, was to imitate the strolling company who advertised the performance of the tragedy of Hamlet, with the part of Hamlet, for that night, omitted. The more their lordships examined the subject, the more would they be convinced that Ireland never could be satisfied, until the just claims of the Catholics were satisfied. It would be well for ministers now to look the question fairly in the face. He was not surprised that they wished to check the Catholic Association. That was only the consequence of their own neglect. If that body had become, as was said, dangerous to the state, the fault was theirs, who, in defiance of common sense and common justice, had uniformly refused to listen to the just claims of the Catholics.

The Marquis of Lansdown did not rise to oppose the motion, which in so far as

M

it proposed an inquiry into the state of Ireland, free from the limitation under which the inquiry of last session was undertaken, met his approbation. He wished to learn from the noble earl whether the report of the commissioners appointed to inquire into the state of education in Ireland was likely to be soon presented to the House. That was an inquiry of great importance; second only to that which the noble earl was about to institute.

The Earl of Liverpool understood the report was in a state of considerable forwardness. He was anxious that the report should be presented as soon as possible; but from the great importance of the subject, he did not think it consistent with his duty to press for its completion with a haste which would not allow time for its proper digestion.

exclude from the constitution the great majority of the people of Ireland must not be looked into by the committee." The noble earl in his caution on this question, resembled Marc Antony, who gave licence to men's tongues on all his other faults, but not a word of Cleopatra. The noble earl was willing that the committee should take the state of Ireland fully into their consideration; but as for the Catholic question, on that they must not touch. He had admitted the existence of disease, but not a word must be said about the remedy. It could not but be confessed, however, that the inquiry, though late, was still acceptable. He rejoiced most sincerely at the appointment of the committee, because he was sure its labours must prove useful. It was true, the thing was unexpected. It was not easy to tell whence it came, and still more difficult to say whither it would go. The noble earl certainly could not say that it grew out of the committee last year, for it was a proposition of a different nature, and the ground on which that committee was appointed did not now exist. After all, it was, perhaps, intended, that the proceeding should be a kind of historical inquiry-an investigation into the causes of the late disturbances; for there were now no disturbances to inquire about. He acquiesced, however, most cordially, in the motion; for he believed it impossible to go into a general inquiry on the state of Ireland without seeing the necessity of including the Catholic question. Notwithstanding the noble earl's attempt at the exclusion of that question, he was glad the measure was proposed. The measure in itself was good, though the point of time was bad. It had come at last, it was true; but coming so late, the advantage to be expected from it was not so great as it might have been. It was the maxim of a great man of antiquity, that the whole art of war consisted in being in time; and in the same manner he would say, that the whole art of politics consisted in being in time. If the noble lord had consented to this inquiry in due time, much evil might have been prevented. The noble lord's conduct reminded him of what had been said of a man much given to procrastination

Lord Holland believed there would be an unanimous vote in favour of the motion, but, considering that the noble earl had always shown himself so fastidiously critical on the subject of parliamentary inquiry, he could not help thinking it strange that the noble earl should consent to the present investigation, without assigning any reason for so extraordinary a change of opinion. Instead of laying any new ground for his motion, the noble earl had merely stated his disposition not to limit the inquiry. Now, their lordships would recollect, that many persons whose rank, wealth, talents, and intimate connexion with Ireland entitled their opinion to respect, had repeatedly urged the noble earl to agree to a general inquiry into the state of Ireland, but without success. A motion for that object, made by his noble friend last session, had been rejected; and the only inquiry to which the noble earl would consent, was one which was limited to the disturbed districts. The disturbances in those districts was then ground for inquiry; but now that their lordships had come to the present session, what did they learn?-that there was no disturbance at all: so that the only ground which the noble earl had for his former inquiry, was cut from him. But, upon looking further at the subject, we find there is one thing in the state of Ireland-the situation of the Catholics-one evil for which a remedy is required. Oh, ho! we have got it now. Here is something to inquire about! "No," says the noble earl, "that is not to be inquired into. In appointing the committee, no reference must be made to that subject. Those laws which

that he lost half an hour in the morning, and was running after it during the whole of the day. The noble earl, in the morning of his administration, had, with respect to this question, lost his half

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