however would be a very impolitic measure, for if foreigners will throng to a country such as the United States, with the view of settling there, the best thing is to make them citizens as soon as they wish to become such; and there would be manifest danger to the United States if the large number of foreigners who settle there should be considered as aliens for a period which would extend to the whole term of the natural life of many of the new settlers. Indeed there seems to be no objection to giving to aliens in republican governments, as soon as they choose to ask for them, all the rights and consequent duties of citizens, if they are ever to have them. It may be prudent to exclude aliens by birth from some of the high offices in a state, which is done in England and in the United States of North America. [ALIEN.]

In ancient Rome, aliens were not always admitted to the full rights of Roman citizens; and indeed in the early history of the state, even the Plebeians formed an order who were without many of the privileges which the Patricians enjoyed. A person might receive the Roman citizenship so far as to enjoy every advantage except a vote at the public elections and access to the honours of the state. This however was not citizenship as understood by Aristotle, nor is it citizenship as understood by the free states of modern times. The acquisition of complete citizenship implies the acquisition of a share of the sovereign power: the acquisition of all the rights of a citizen, except the suffrage and access to the honours of the state, is a limited citizenship; and it is no more than may be acquired in those states where there is no representative body, and in which a man by such acquisition gets not citizenship, but the state gets a subject.

The great facilities for a man changing his residence which now exist, and the increased. motives to such change in a desire to beater his condition by permanently settling in another country, lead to emigration from one country to another, and more particularly from Europe to America. The advantage which any country receives from the emigration of those who possess capital or peculiar arts

is so great, that, under the present circumstances of the world, it is not easy to discover any good reason for Republican governments refusing to give the citizenship to any person who comes to another country with the view of settling there. A difficulty will arise in case of war, when a man owes a divided allegiance, for it is a principle of English law that a man cannot divest himself of his allegiance to the king of England; and probably an American citizen cannot divest himself of his allegiance to the United States. [ALIEN.] And yet the two countries which maintain this legal principle, allow the citizens of any other country to become citizens of their several communities. The Roman principle under the Republic was, that as soon as a Roman was admitted a citizen of another State, he ceased to be a Roman citizen, because a man could not belong to two States at once; wherein we have one among many examples of the precision of Roman political principles. The same principle must certainly be adopted some time into the international law of modern States.

The nations of Europe and the States of the two Americas have all a common religion, which however contains a great number of sects. A person of any religion in the United States of North America may become a citizen, and his opinions are no obstacle to his enjoying any of the honours of the country. But this is not so in England. No man for instance, though an English citizen, can be a member of the House of Commons unless he is, or is willing to profess that he is, a Christian.

CITY (in French Cité, ultimately from the Latin Civitas). Certain large and ancient towns both in England and in other countries are called cities, and they are supposed to rank before other towns. On what the distinction is founded is not well ascertained. The word seems to be one of common use, or at most to be used in the letters and charters of kings as a complimentary or honorary name, rather than as betokening the possession of any social privileges which may not and in fact do not belong to other ancient and incorpo

rated places which are still known only by the name of towns or boroughs. Richelet (Dictionnaire) says that the French word cite is only used in general when we speak of places where there are two towns, an old town and another which has been built since; and he adds that "la cité de Paris" means old Paris.

Sir William Blackstone, following Coke (1 Inst. 109 b), says, "A city is a town incorporated, which is or hath been the see of a bishop." (Comm. Introd., sec. iv.) But Westminster is a city, though it is not incorporated. Thetford is a town, though incorporated, and once the seat of a bishop. Whether Westminster owes its designation to the circumstance that it had a bishop for a few years of the reign of Henry VIII., and in the reign of Edward VI., may be doubted. But there are, besides Thetford, many places which were once the seats of bishops, as Sherburn, and Dorchester in Oxfordshire, which are never called cities. On the whole, we can rather say that certain of our ancient towns are called cities, and their inhabitants citizens, than show why this distinction prevails and what are the criteria by which they are distinguished from other towns. These ancient towns are those in which the cathedral of a bishop is found; to which are to be added Bath and Coventry, which, respectively with Wells and Lichfield, occur in the designation of the bishop in whose diocese they are situated; and Westminster, which in this respect stands alone.

In the United States of North America the name City is usually given to large towns, as New York, Philadelphia, and others.

CIVIL LAW. [ROMAN LAW.] CIVIL LIST. The expenses of the English government, including military expenses, were formerly comprehended in one general list, and defrayed out of what was called the royal revenue. For a considerable period after the Conquest this revenue, derived from the rents of the crown lands, and from other sources, was at the command and under the uncontrolled management of the crown through the exercise of the prerogative. Even when at a later period the greater portion of the expenses of the government

came to be granted by parliament in the form of supplies, the entire expenditure was still left with the crown, and the supplies were either voted for no specific purpose, or when they were voted for a special purpose, parliament had no control over their application.

This state of things continued to the Restoration in 1660. A distinction was then made between the military expenses of the government, or those occasioned by war, which were considered of the nature of extraordinary expenses, and those incurred in the maintenance of the ordinary establishments of the country. The revenues appropriated to the latter were called the hereditary or civil-list revenues, and were provided for partly from the crown lands that remained unalienated, and partly from certain taxes imposed by parliament expressly for that purpose during the life of the reigning king. In the reign of King William III. the sum applicable to the civil list, on an average of years, amounted to the annual sum of about 680,000l. This sum was applied in defraying the expenses of the royal household and of the privy purse, the maintenance and repairs of the royal palaces, the salaries of the lord chancellor, the judges, the great officers of state, and the ambassadors at foreign courts; and out of it were also paid the incomes of the members of the royal family, the secret service money, pensions, and a long list of other claims. The interest of the national debt, however, was never defrayed from the sum allotted for the civil list.

In the reign of Queen Anne the civil list remained of nearly the same amount as in the reign of King William. The principal taxes appropriated to it were an excise of 2s. 6d. per barrel on beer, which produced about 286,000l. per annum, a tonnage and poundage duty, which produced about 257,000l., and the profits of the post-office, from which about 100,000l. was derived.

At the commencement of the reign of George I., 700,000l. a year was voted by parliament for the civil list, and certain taxes, as usual, were appropriated to that branch of the public expenditure.

On the accession of George II. it was provided, that if the taxes which had been appropriated to the civil list in the previous reign did not produce 800,000l. per annum, the deficiency should be made up by parliament, and that any surplus beyond that sum should be retained by the crown.

At the accession of George III. he surrendered the larger branches of the hereditary revenue of England, and the sum of 800,000l. was again voted by parliament for the civil list, but no particular taxes were set apart to provide that revenue. In the course of a few years, however, a large amount of debt had accumulated in this department, and to pay it off, two sums amounting together to considerably above 1,000,000l. were voted by parliament in 1769 and 1777. In the latter year also the civil-list revenue was permanently raised to 900,000l. This, however, did not prevent further deficiencies, which were again made good by parliament in 1784 and 1786, to the extent of about 270,000l.

In 1780 Mr. Burke brought in his bill for the better regulation of the civil list, which, although it was greatly mutilated before it passed into a law (in 1782), abolished several useless offices, and effected some reduction of expenditure.

According to the report of a committee of the House of Commons which sat upon the subject of the civil list in 1802, the total average annual expenditure in that branch since 1786 had been 1,000,1677., under the following heads :-royal family in all its branches, 209,988.; great officers of state, 33,2791.; foreign ministers, 80,526/.; tradesmen's bills, 174,6971.; menial servants of the household, 92,4241.; pensions, 114,817.; salaries to various officers, 76,013l.; commissioners of the treasury, 14,455l.; occasional payments, 203,9641. At this time another sum of above 990,000l. was voted by parliament to pay the debts on the civil list; and in 1804 the civil-list revenue was raised to 960,000l. In 1812 it was further augmented to 1,080,000l.; besides which, annuities to the amount of 260,000l. were then paid to the different branches of the royal family out of the consolidated fund.

Another committee inquired into the subject of the civil list in 1815, and it was upon the report made by this committee that the amount of the civil list was settled, on the accession of George IV., at 850,000l. per annum, 255,000l. of annual charge being at the same time transferred from this branch to other funds. It was calculated that the distribution of this sum would be under the following heads:1. His Majesty's privy purse, 60,000l. 2. Allowances to the lord chancellor, judges, and Speaker of the House of Commons, 32,9561. 3. Salaries, &c. of his Majesty's ambassadors and other ministers, salaries to consuls, and pensions to retired ambassadors and ministers, 226,950l. 4. Expenses, except salaries, of his Majesty's household in the departments of the lord steward, lord chamberlain, master of the horse, master of the robes, and surveyor-general of works, 209,0007. 5. Salaries in the last-mentioned departments, 140,700l. 6. Pensions limited by Act 22 Geo. III. c. 82, 95,000l. 7. Salaries to certain officers of state, and various other allowances, 41,3067. Salaries to the commissioners of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer, 13,8221. 9. Occasional payments not comprised in any of the aforesaid classes, 26,000l. The crown was left besides in the enjoyment of the hereditary revenues in Scotland, amounting to about 110,000l. per annum; and also of a civil list for Ireland, of 207,000.

8.

On the 15th of November, 1830, immediately after the accession of King William IV., the late Lord Congleton, then Sir Henry Parnell, carried in the House of Commons a motion for appointing a select committee to inquire into the civil list. The chief object proposed was the separation of the proper expenses of the crown from all those other charges which still continued to be mixed up with them under that title. The consequence of the success of this motion (besides the overthrow of the Wellington administration and the introduction of the Reform Bill) was another report, upon which was founded the Act 1 Will. IV. c. 25, for the regulation of the civil list. The committee which was appointed on the motion of Sir H. Parnell, recommended

that the civil-list charges should be confined to expenses proper for the maintenance of their Majesties' household, and the sum of 510,000l. was granted to his Majesty by the above act under the following classes:-1. For their Majesties' privy purse, 110,000l. 2. Salaries of his Majesty's household, 130,300l. 3. Expenses of his Majesty's household, 171,500l. 4. Special and secret service, 23,2001. 5. Pensions, 75,000l. A separate civil list for Ireland was discontinued; and the Scotch hereditary revenues, as well as the droits of admiralty, and the 4 per cent. duties, were to be paid into the Exchequer for the use of the public.

Speaking of the civil list as settled by 1 Will. IV. c. 25, and comparing it with the civil list of King Geo. IV., Lord Congleton remarked (‘Financial Reform,' p. 205) "that there was no real reduction in that arrangement, for whatever appears to be a reduction, has been produced by a transfer of charge from one head to another of the old civil list. The chief difference in this arrangement from the former consists in the transfer of about 460,000l. a year from the civil list to the consolidated fund, and in providing for the gradual reduction of the pensions to 75,000l. a year."

William IV. retained the revenues of the duchies of Lancaster and Cornwall, which are considered to be the hereditary revenues, not of the crown, but of the duchies of Lancaster and of Cornwall. The duchy of Lancaster is permanently annexed to the crown, and the duchy of Cornwall belongs to the crown when there is no Prince of Wales. No account of the amount of these revenues had ever been laid before parliament until very recently. In his speech on Economical Reform in 1780, Mr. Burke said, "Every one of those principalities has the appearance a kingdom, for the jurisdiction over a few private estates; and the formality and charge of the Exchequer of Great Britain, for collecting the rents of a country squire. Cornwall is the best of them; but when you compare the charge with the receipt, you will find that it furnishes no exception to the general rule. The duchy and county palatine of Lancaster do not yield, as I have reason to believe,

of

on an average of twenty years, 4000l. a year clear to the crown. As to Wales and the county palatine of Chester, I have my doubts whether their productive exchequer yields any returns at all."*

The Civil List of Queen Victoria was settled by 1 Vict. c. 2. This act contains a very important and salutary provision, which will shortly be noticed, respecting pensions. The preamble of the act states that her majesty had placed unreservedly at the disposal of the commons in parliament those hereditary revenues which were transferred to the public by her immediate predecessors, and that her majesty felt confident that her faithful commons would gladly make adequate provision for the support of the honour and dignity of the crown. It is then enacted, that the hereditary revenue shall be carried to the Consolidated Fund during the life of her majesty, but that after her demise it shall be payable to her successors. The latter part of the enactment is a mere form. By § 3 the clear yearly sum of 385,000l. is to be paid out of the Consolidated Fund for the support of her majesty's household and of the honour and dignity of the crown, to be applied according to a schedule as under:1. For her Majesty's privy purse £60,000 2. Salaries of her Majesty's household and retired allowances

3.

4.

Expenses of her Majesty's

131,260

5. 6. Unappropriated monies

£385,000

The restriction to which allusion has been made relates to class 5 in the schedule.

The gross revenues of the duchy of Cornwall in 1843 amounted to 40,100. The two largest items were, rents and arrears 14,0691.; compensation in lieu of the tin coinage duties 15,741/. The sum required to defray salaries, allowances, and annuities was 84251, the payments made to the use of the Prince of Wales, and which in the previ ous reign were enjoyed by the king, were 18,5791., and a sum of 2000l. was expended in purchasing the surrender of beneficial leases. The sum set down as balances and arrears was 84867. The gross

This check upon the wanton and extravagant disposal of the public money is thoroughly in accordance with just and constitutional principles. The amount which can be granted in pensions by the crown in any one year is not to exceed 1200l.; and the Civil List Act restricts, though in a comprehensive spirit, the persons to whom they are to be granted, who must be such persons only as have just claims on the royal benevolence, or who by their personal services to the crown, by the performance of duties to the public, or by their useful discoveries in science and attainments in literature and the arts, have merited the gracious consideration of their sovereign and the gratitude of their country. A list of all such pensions must be laid before parliament yearly. [PENSIONS; WOODS AND FORESTS.]

CIVILIZATION. The words civilization, education, and religion, with many others, are often used without any precise ideas being attached to them; yet there are no words that require to be more thoroughly analysed.

The meaning of a word is often formed by degrees. As soon as a particular fact presents itself to our notice which appears to have a specific relation to a known term, it becomes immediately incorporated with it; and hence the meaning of many terms gradually extends, and finally embraces all the various facts and ideas which are considered to belong to it. On this account, there is more depth as well as accuracy in the usual and ordinary meaning of complex terms than in any definitions which can be given of them, notwithstanding the definition may appear to be more strict and precise. In the majority of instances scientific definitions are too narrow, and owing to this circumstance they are frequently less exact than the popular meaning of terms; it is therefore in its popular and ordinary signification that we must seek for the various ideas that are included in the term civilization.

Now, the fundamental notion of civilization is that of a progressive movement, of a gradual development, and a tendency to amelioration. It always suggests the idea of a community, of a political body, of a nation, which is advancing methodically, and with distinct and clear views of the objects which it seeks to attain: progress, continual improvement, is therefore the fundamental idea contained in our notion of the term Civilization.

As to this progress and improvement involved in the term Civilization, to what do they apply? The etymology of the word answers the question. From this we learn that it does not contemplate the actual number, power, or wealth of a people, but their civil condition, their social relations, and intercourse with each other. Such then is the first impression which arises in our mind when we pronounce the word Civilization. It seems to represent to us at once the greatest activity and the best possible organization of society; so as to be productive of a continual increase, and a distribution of wealth and power among its members, whereby their absolute and relative condition is kept in a state of constant improvement.

But great as is the influence which a well organised civil society must have upon the happiness of the human race, the term Civilization seems to convey something still more extensive, more full and complete, and of a more elevated and dignified character, than the mere perfection of the social relations, as a matter of order and arrangement. In this other aspect of the word it embraces the development of the intellectual and moral faculties of man, of his feelings, his propensities, his natural capacities, and his tastes.

Education, which is the result of a well ordered social arrangement, and also its perfector and conservator, an education which shall give to every member of the community the best opportunities for developing the whole of his faculties, is the end which civilization, or a society in a state of continued progress, must always have in view.

The fundamental ideas, then, contained