exhibitions of his love of freedom and his unconditional loyalty during the present crisis. Almost old enough to read the Declaration of Independence at the time it was written, the child of one of the first of the patriots of the Revolution, the principles of that great instrument and the spirit of those who defended it became his principles and his spirit. Consequently, the rebellion of 1861 and its cause had no more decided foe, and the republic in its hour of trial has had no more loyal citizen than he. One of his last public acts was eminently characteristic of The hall in which the Boston Union Club was organized echoes even now with the loyal words that came from his aged lips, that knew no trembling when treason was to be denounced and liberty was to be maintained. the man. THE following stinging letter from Goldwin Smith is another instance of our good fortune, in having one of the best of English prose writers in one of the warmest friends of the American cause : To the Editor of the London Daily News: SIR,-As we ought to do the duty of neutrals to the Americans, so ought the Americans to do their duty to us. If the American Government is really crimping or enlisting in Ireland, let it be called to account, and let it fall under the heavy censure of morality and honor pronounced by the lips of Lord Clanricarde. But if it is only that the American army offers high pay, and that the famine-stricken Irish are emigrating for the sake of that pay, this is no offence on the part of the American Government, and no improper connivance on the part of ours. Nor will it make any difference, though the fact that the emigrants intend to become soldiers is known before their departure from this country. Emigrants must look to some calling. In peace it will be a peaceful calling; in war it may be the calling of war. If private adventurers are making their market of this emigration, and swindling the emigrants, their tricks must be exposed, and, if possible, punished as a private fraud. If we wish to prevent recruiting of this kind, the only effectual and consistent course I do not know to what extent this military emigration has gone; but last year, when the outcry was just as loud, there was no disturbance in the proportions of ages and sexes among the emigrants, indicating that an unusual number of them intended to become soldiers. No doubt these youths are acting under a lamentable delusion. When we consider how full of happiness and dignity is the lot of the Irish peasant, how abounding in comfort and in plenty is the cabin which he shares with swine, how secure is the tenure of his land by which alone he can subsist, how bright a vista of hope always opens itself before him,-and when we consider that he is throwing up all this for a service in which he will be very highly paid, be supplied in a way which the correspondents of our Southern journals denounce as prodigal, and stand a very good chance, perhaps, of being shot, but also a good chance, with valor and talent, of rising to a high rank, we shall not be surprised to see tears run down the cheeks of the friends of humanity among the Irish landlords. They will mingle with the tears of persons of quality and their journalists at the effusion of blood in the cause of a republic, and with the tears of the slave-owners at the cruel emancipation of the happy and contented slave. It would, in truth, hardly surprise us if the Irish aristocracy should be so touched by what is going on as to unite in arresting forever the current of Irish emigration by doing justice to the Irish people. There is one thing to be said,—this scandal is not new. A respectable historian states, and vouches the archives of the French War-office for the statement, that in a period of about sixty years during the last century, 450,000 Irish had died in the French service. I can hardly believe that the number was so great as this; but I have no doubt that it was very great, and I am sure that the Irishmen who thus found soldiers' graves were at that time the happiest of their race. Two-fifths of our own army at one time were Irishmen, decoyed, under the name of enlistment, by mere crimps into a service which would not be adequately described as alien, since it was that of the oppressors of their country. This Ireland of ours, to which no government pretending to the name of civilized affords a parallel, and of which barbarism itself would almost be ashamed, is, and while it remains in its present state, will be, the recruiting ground of nations; it will be so, at least, unless Lord Clanricarde can persuade the people that it is better to be food for famine and pestilence than to be food for the cannon. Nor is the Irish soldier in the American service a mercenary. That name, abhorred by civilized morality, belongs to soldiers fighting for a foreign country, in which they will have no interest when the war is over. It may be given to the Germans whom we hired in the Crimean War, and to the troops whom Her Majesty was advised by her present ministers to raise among her own subjects for the Emperor of China. But the Irish, in entering the American service, adopt America as their country. And in truth it is the only country of the Irish race. England evicts them: America receives them into a kind, just, and prosperous home. I am, etc., GOLDWIN SMITH. P. S.-Lord Clanricarde threatens war. These vaporing threats of war degrade the country. If we mean war, let us have war. And if we have war, let us shame these Americans, who fight their battles with hirelings, by submitting to a conscription with out substitutes, and mingling a little of the blood of persons of rank with that of the peasant. Such a war would lead to a very fasting peace. From The London Review, 2 July. COWARDICE THE POLICY OF ENGLAND. OVER all the land of England, in every heart not deadened to the touch of any emotion but selfishness, there is this week but one sense,—that of shame. For at last our chief statesmen have spoken: they have explained at large a policy which has been for months pursued in secret, and they have avowed the motives by which that policy was suggested, and in deference to which it is still to be maintained. In that policy we see the reversal of all that has hitherto been our cherished pride; we see broken faith, deceived trust, sympathies curbed by fear. In its favor there is but one plea,—the plea of our own interest. We do not deny that such a plea is very powerful; it is even pos The verdict sible that it may prove predominant. But not the less are those who yield to it paralyzed with shame. The instinct of right and wrong tells them that the course thus recommended is false and mean. of all the world is, that we have trafficked honor to preserve prosperity; the verdict of our consciences is that we have abandoned duty, for fear of loss. And therefore we are ashamed. Not so, however, are either Earl Russell or Viscount Palmerston. These noble lords tell us, with full convictions, that we are now, and always, in the right. They affirm that we generously labored in the cause of humanity, as far as words and letters can go, and that, having uttered and written so many beautiful sentiments, we are in no wise called on for any deeds. Our "honor," they insist, has not been engaged, and our "interests" forbid us to interfere. These pleas demand consideration, being urged by such authority. What, then, are the facts? Earl Russell presses, first, the argument that the Treaty of 1852 contains no pledge binding us to enforce its provisions. This, is true. But what is the in a literal sense, understood meaning of a treaty regulating, for the professed sake of the stability of European arrangements, the succession to the whole Danish provinces, if not that their integrity is to be maintained by the parties to the treaty? So solemn an act as the signature, by the representatives of this country, of such an agreement, has certainly, in the eye of common reason, some further meaning than that the engagement is never to be maintained if any of the contracting parties think fit to break it. But if direct and specific pledges, capable, in the ordinary sense of language, of no double interpretation, are demanded, here they are: On the 10th December, 1863, Sir A. Paget, our minister at Copenhagen, informs Earl Russell that he had impressed on M. Hall the anxiety of the neutral powers that Denmark should not resist the threatened Federal execution in Holstein, on the ground that resistance would lead to war. The Danish minister expressed his willingness to accept the advice, but added that, "Whatever course was adopted, he felt convinced war must come at last.” "I replied," says Sir A. Paget, "that Denmark would, at all events, have a better not in secret cabinets, but to the world, still chance of securing the assistance of the pow-more decisive words. On the 23d of July, ers alluded to by retiring than if she pro- 1863, Lord Palmerston declared, speaking voked a war by resisting.' On the 21st December, Lord Wodehouse, the special envoy at Copenhagen, informs Earl Russell that in an interview with the Danish minister, the Slesvig invasion was threatened unless Denmark withdrew the Constitution. "I entreated His Excellency to weigh well the gravity of the danger which threatened Denmark. General Fleury had informed M. d'Ewers and me that he was instructed to tell the Danish Government that France would not go to war to support Denmark against Germany. It was my duty to tell him, if the Danish Government rejected our advice that Her Majesty's Government must leave Denmark to encounter Germany on her own responsibility." of the possible invasion of Slesvig,—over which he emphatically said that "the German Confederation has no rights,”—that "It is an important matter of British policy, to maintain the independence and integrity of the Danish monarchy. We are convinced-I am convinced, at least-that if any violent attempt were made to overthrow those rights and interfere with that independence, those who made the attempt would find in the result that it would not be Denmark alone with which they would have to contend." And even on the 8th of March, 1864, Earl Russell spoke as follows: "All I can say is, that the government will best consult, according to their own opinion, the honor and the interests of this coun On the 22d December, Sir A. Paget in-try. They will not make war when the safety formed Earl Russell that he had followed up this declaration by asking M. Hall if he would, by rejecting our advice, These declarations of our envoys were not disavowed by Earl Russell. Denmark did, in both instances, accept our advice. Can any man doubt whether the express language of the British representatives did not imply a pledge in that case to support her? What could be more explicit than to tell her that, pendence of Denmark can be secured otherand the interests, the integrity and the indewise, and they will not neglect any means by which that safety and independence can be secured. With regard to the fleet, some ten days or a fortnight ago, with a view to have that fleet at command, it was directed to rendezvous at one of the home ports, 80 that orders might be at once conveyed to it. If it were thought necessary to give any orders to that fleet, it would be at once within that of Austria or of Prussia would venture our reach, and certainly I could not expect encounter the squadron of Her Majesty.” So Next, then, we are told, that it is but a narrow strip of territory that is now in dispute, and that Danish obstinacy is unreasonable. It is true the territory is narrow. is the gate of a fortress,—after all but a thin plank; and the rampart is, in the eyes of philosophy, but a few feet of masonry more or less. But this strip of territory is Denmark's gate and rampart,—it is the line on which she can make defence; which being lost, she is at her enemies' mercy. So she may well fight for it, and pile it with the bodies of her sons, and well may turn a silent upbraiding eye to that false friend who lured her to abandon her outworks that she might make a last stand here, and now coldly Rus-But the ingenuity of noble peers can find yet chides her for obstinacy about a narrow line. while under no circumstances would France act, we also should leave her to her fate, if she rejected our counsel, and that he must draw his own conclusion as to the difference in her position, if she accepted or rejected our advice? Studiously diplomatic as such language might be, it would convey to Denmark no idea but that of our firm support in case she complied with our desires, and it is not for England to take advantage of Earl sell's having paltered in a double sense. other subjects for reproach in her attitude. But Lords Palmerston and Russell were in She was, they insist, at one time in the their places in Parliament when they spoke, wrong. But by the admission of her accus that we must abandon allies to their fate at the bidding of German despots! And it is new also to hear that we must retire before menace and insult because, if we resist it, the peoples whom these despots have enslaved will rise to win their freedom, and we are bound, Earl Russell tells us, "to show a greater attachment to peace than Austria and Prussia have done!" Who is not, then, proud to be an Englishman, professing maxims so meek, so forbearing to the strong, so careful of ourselves, so considerate of the oppressors, so proudly indifferent to the oppressed! Yet let the nations still fear our might on one emergency. If not only continental Denmark is partitioned, but the island on which Copenhagen stands is seized, ers, Denmark bas long ere now purged her- enough at home (double the force, be it reself of blame. She has withdrawn fully and marked, which we had at Vimiera, Talavera, unreservedly from every act complained of,- or Salamanca, and equal to that with which withdrawn so completely that even her ene- we won Vittoria and Waterloo), are weapmies have long been without a shred of their ons of show which we tremble to use, lest original excuse for violence. But it seems they draw upon us the vengeance of the she has, nevertheless, committed in these last world. It is new, indeed, to Englishmen to days an unpardonable offence. When Earl be told that they must not stir in Europe, Russell desired her to give up the Danne- unless France draws the sword on their side. werke, and be content with such worse line It is new to be told that they must make no as an arbiter might happen to assign, she re-engagements on this side the Atlantic, lest a fused. True, the German powers, while power on the other side should turn its army assenting in name to the proposal, declared and navy to destroy us! It is new to hear they would not be bound by the decision. This fact would have made Denmark's unreserved consent vain, had it been given; but, nevertheless, on her frank refusal, is placed the chief excuse for deserting her. With incredible meanness Earl Russell, in the solemn narrative which he read at the last meeting of the Conference, and which he "deposited in its archives," declares that this obstinacy of Denmark is the "obstacle which the most persevering efforts of the neutral powers have not been able to overcome, and before which insurmountable difficulty the labors of the Conference have come to an end! And with a shamelessness even more remarkable, this reason has been assigned by him and his "noble" colleague in presence of the British Parliament, as the crowning reason if the capital is sacked,-if the king is capwhy Denmark shall have no help from us. But, passing over these miserable jugglings with words and subterfuges of dishonesty, we come at last to the plain broad statement that, after all, we dare not help Denmark in arms, because France will not stand by to protect us; because Germany is so populous and powerful; because America may, whether reunited or severed, some day attack us; because we have a great commerce, many possessions, important interests in China, and a huge empire in India! For neither more nor less than these are actually and literally the reasons given by Earl Russell why, "our honor not being engaged," we are forbidden by our interests" to ally ourselves with Denmark. So it would seem that our power is already become our weakness, and because we are so very rich and so very great, we fear. All the fleet of which we are so proud, all the army on which we spend so much, and which a military contemporary tells us is at this moment able at an hour's notice to send 48,000 troops on service, leaving still tured, we may, perhaps, Lord Palmerston says, "reconsider our position" so far as to rescue the person of King Christian! So Bob Acres : the word coward, coward may be said in a "Look ye, Sir Lucius, 'tisn't that I mind joke. But if you had called me a poltroon, odds daggers and balls "Sir L.-Well, sir! "Acres.-I-I should have thought you a very ill-bred man.” But while these noble peers bid England quail, like James I., at the terrible spectacle of a naked sword before her eyes, there is a gigantic shadow that is stealing on her from another quarter. The crowned tyrants of Europe have this week met, and guaranteed to each other their dominions. In this new Holy Alliance are the first fruits of our policy of selfishness. As we predicted it would, it has already emboldened the powerful to a league of violence, while it has dismayed the weak and scattered States whom such a league menaces. For such a defensive treaty can 66 have no object unless that of seizing new ter- | next week to decide. Before questions so ritory, while guaranteed from loss of that vast, and consequences so tremendous to ouralready secured. So we who have feared to selves and to our children, party politics must face Prussia alone must now face Prussia sink out of sight. It can matter nothing to backed by Russia and Austria. When Den- the hereafter whether Lord Derby or Lord mark is absorbed, Holland and Switzerland Palmerston is in power if the quarrel between come next. When these are pacified," them is only as to the discretion of the past, Italy and Sweden have to fear. And when and they are one as to the policy of the Europe is thus portioned, how will it fare with future; for we know well what is right and us, then alone, indeed, against the world? what is wrong in this matter. A free, noble, Does any one doubt, that these forebodings Christian people, our nearest neighbors, our must come to pass? From the nature of very blood, cry to us to save them from the things they are inevitable; for the despot brutal violence of foreign robbers and murpowers have avowed that their alliance among derers; and the question for us to answer themselves and their aggression upon others is, Shall we do right because it is right, are compelled by the impossibility of suffer- trusting to the Lord of Hosts to be with us, ing the spectacle of a constitutional kingdom as he was with our forefathers, or shall we in their neighborhood. hold aloof because we, their degenerate sons, On such pregnant issues has the nation fear man and have no faith in God? ALL IN THE DOWNS. (New Words to the old Air.) ALL in the Downs the fleet is moored, The powder shipped, the guns on board; Long has Britannia endured, Ere she would give the awful word, "Go in, my hearts of oak, so tough and true, But whoso says the duck through ether flying, Equalled the canvas-back before me lying, Done to a turn! The flesh a dark carnation, And lick sweet Frederick-William black and Four slices from the breast: on such a ration blue." Sweet Frederick-William on his guard The Dutchies' crown he grasps with thievish And though detected, all unblushing stands ! Soon from the Downs the fleet unmoored -Punch. LINES TO A WILD DUCK. A DUCK has been immortalized by Bryant- Sweetly he hymned the creature blithe and buoy ant, Cleaving the blue. Gods never fed! It A VERY curious method of reducing the intense headache experienced by fever patients, has been lately pointed out by M. Guyon. It consists simply in pressure exerted over the integument covering the temporal arteries. was discovered quite accidentally in feeling the temples, rather than the wrist, in order to ascertain the frequency of the pulse. Whilst the physician compressed the vessel, the patient exclaimed, "Comme-vous me soulagez," and thus indicated the result produced by diminishing the supply of blood to the surface of the cranium. M. Guyon does not consider that any serious results of an injurious nature follow compression of the "temporals," inasmuch as the blood finds channels in the various other branches of the "external carotids." |