such measures as he thought necessary or expedient to increase the resources and reputation of the state. That he was ambitious, his friends have never denied; but his was an ambition which was founded not on the ruins, but upon the prosperity of his country; he sought for an enduring fame that would live after him, and not the paltry perquisites or the mere honorary titles of office. Such, however, was the power of party, and so well was it organized, that his opponents succeeded in obtaining a majority first in the senate, and afterwards in the assembly. But when they did so, the "canal policy" had been so firmly established, mainly through his unceasing exertions, they did not dare to alter it: thus practically approving of the measures which had emanated from him, and placing themselves in the unenviable light of mere personal opponents.

As the expiration of his term approached in 1820, every possible preparation was made for a dreadful conflict. The utmost exertions were used throughout the state to secure votes, and no act was omitted by the leaders of the party, which could in any way benefit their cause. In order to secure a victory, they persuaded Daniel D. Tompkins, who was still Vice President, to enter the lists once more in his native state, where from his former popularity he was emphatically called "the man of the people:" never was there a greater struggle between splendid talents and party zeal. On the one hand, the good sense and justice of the people were depended upon; on the other, an appeal was made to their party feelings and political connections.

Close and animated was the contest, and for some days the issue extremely doubtful. Upon an enumeration of all the votes, which by the returns amounted to about 180,000, it appeared that Mr. Clinton was re-elected by a majority of less than two thousand.

It was considered by his friends a great triumph, because on his part, there was nothing to urge but his talents and services; his partisans had not been well organised, whilst his opponents were mighty as a party, and had as their champion a man who had been deservedly popular during the war, and whose very misfortunes since that period had endeared him still more to his friends.

Being thus unexpectedly foiled in their formidable attack upon Governor Clinton, the opposition next proceeded to harass his administration in every possible way. Having majorities in both houses, and also the council of appointment, they removed from office his friends, and put in their places his most active enemies.

In the year 1821, whilst party spirit was at its height, they determined to effect a change in the constitution of the state, ostensibly for the purpose of removing its defects, but in reality to gratify their own feelings, by lessening the power of the Governor, extending the right of suffrage, and removing those judges who were known to be his attached and personal friends. In this measure they were but too successful, and since that period have had ample time to regret that party zeal had ever carried them so far, as to inflict more evils than those they pretended to rectify.

After his re-election in 1820, Governor Clinton who had observed the gathering storm, resolved calmly to meet it: he continued to devote his time and his talents to the services of his native state. He had succeeded in his favourite object in relation to the canal navigation; he had aroused the people from their lethargy upon the subject of internal improvements; he had witnessed the progressive increase of common schools under the patronage of his administration; and he felt satisfied that whatever personal mortifications he might have to endure, his policy had so com

pletely received the approbation of the people, it could never be destroyed by his opponents. He, therefore, after five years service as chief magistrate, during which time the state had greatly increased in wealth, being unwilling again to arouse the angry feelings of party warfare, voluntarily declined being a candidate at the ensuing election in 1822. To the great regret of his friends throughout the state, he now retired to private life; but during that retirement his powerful energies were not dormant.

In October 1823, when the canal celebration took place in Albany, he was the popular divinity, and many then looked forward with hope to his entry once more into public life. Whether it was that the jealousy of his enemies was aroused by the strong indications of public regard that were then shown him, or that they were determined to crush him for ever, cannot now be told: but certain it is, that soon afterwards they gave a further proof of their political hatred and party folly, by removing him from his station as canal commissioner.

It proved to be the most fortunate step for him that could have been taken: such an uncalled for act of persecution and cruelty, operated upon them with a sensible re-action. His friends once more took the field, and many of his former adversaries joined their ranks: the party which had heretofore held such despotic sway became divided within itself, and at a propitious moment, his friends, availing themselves "of the signs of the times," again brought their favourite before the people as a candidate for that office which he had so ably filled. In 1824, he was opposed to Colonel Young, the candidate of his opponents, but was elected by a majority of nearly twenty thousand votes.

It was fortunate for the credit and honour of the state, that the opportunity was thus afforded of redeeming itself from the

charge of ingratitude towards one of its greatest statesmen and brightest ornaments, which would otherwise have remained a lasting stigma upon the patriotism of her citizens.

After this signal expression of public favour, there was no recurrence of that inveterate opposition against Governor Clinton, which had marked the period of his former administration, and he was permitted, without resistance, to renew all his exertions in favour of his patriotic policy. In 1826 he was again opposed, but the weapons were of a more peaceable character, and there was comparatively little of that virulent abuse which, to the disgrace of our country, is too frequently manifested upon occasions of this nature.

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He succeeded by a majority of about four thousand votes, which would, doubtless, have been much larger, had his friends generally come forward in his support, but they felt so confident in the success of his re-election, that many of them saved themselves the trouble of attending the polls.

His opponent was Judge Rochester, whose party had been much increased by the supposed connection between him and the administration of the general government. After this election, until the time of his death, Governor Clinton had been so successful in obtaining the approbation and support of both houses of the legislature, as well as of his fellow-citizens throughout the union, and had gained such a complete victory over the party feelings of former times, that next to the two leading candidates for the Presidency, his prospect of eventually attaining to that elevated station, had become greater than that of any other citizen of the United States.

May I be excused for dwelling so long upon these political details; they are a part of the life of Mr. Clinton, and his

biographer would be censurably deficient were he to omit an appropriate notice of them. A more grateful theme is to advert to the leading acts of his great and triumphant administration.

It has already been observed, how intimately Mr. Clinton was connected with the numerous public charities which characterise New-York. His fostering care and active services to these several institutions continued with unabated zeal during his official capacity as Governor. He took an active interest in the unhappy condition of our Indian tribes, and held divers conferences with them, the better to devise the means of ameliorating their condition, and of promoting their civilization.

The degraded condition of the descendants of Africa also awakened his philanthropy, and stimulated his best efforts in their behalf.

Another of the earliest subjects of his solicitude which he recommended to the consideration of the state, was agriculture. In his famous first message as Governor, he thus expresses himself: "As agriculture is the source of our subsistence, the basis of our strength, and the foundation of our prosperity, it is pleasing to observe the public attention awakened to its importance, and associations springing up in several counties to cherish its interest. Having received but a small portion of direct encouragement from government, it has been left to its own energies; and supported by a fertile soil, cherished by a benign climate, cultivated by industry, and protected by liberty, it has diffused its bounties over the country, and has relieved the wants of the old world. Relying hitherto almost exclusively on the fertility of our soil and the extent of our possessions, we have not adopted those improvements which the experience of modern times has indicated. And it has not been sufficiently understood that agriculture is a science