a life nearly confumed in public cares, to quit a peaceful abode for an ocean of difficulties; without that competency of political fkill, abilities, and inclination, which are neceffary to manage the helm. I am fenfible that I am embarking the voice of the people and a good name of my own, on this voyage; but what returns will be made for them, heaven alone can foretel.-Integrity and firmnefs are all I can promife; thefe, be the voyage long or fhort, fhall never forfake me, although I may be deferted by all men; for, of the confolations which are to be derived from thefe, under any circumftances, the world cannot deprive me.”

Confidering the events of late years, it is impoffible to refrain from expreffing a high admiration of Washington's character at this period. The acknowledged preferver of his country, the founder of its independence, and by general folicitation placed at the head of its government; attended, wherever he appeared, by popular applause, and the fincere and heartfelt devotion of his countrymen, none of these circumftances could make him deviate, for a moment, from the level he had determined to maintain; in his whole government no ftain of avarice or selfishness, or even of an undue defire to prefer his own family can be found; nor is there, in his whole conduct, one inftance of his affuming or affecting any perfonaf distinction, as peculiarly due to himfelf. When public property was, in a fudden and irresistible manner, prefented to him, he refufed to hold it, but as truftee for the public; and his felf-denial in the exercise and difplay of the power intrufted to him, forms almoft a fingular inftance in the hiftory of man. Yet Washington did not enjoy his authority without oppofition, or even without infult, His expences were criticized with the coarfe malignity of factious jealoufy; and the levees which he thought it neceffary to eftablish, for the purpofe of facilitating intercourfe with foreign minifters, were grofsly calumniated, as imitations of the regal ayle, unfit for the chief magiftrate of a republic, and defigned to accuftom the American people to the pomp and manners of European courts.

But if this fpirit of oppofition was galling to the Prefident before the French revolution, it affumed, after that event, a far more atrocious and rancorous character. The detail of events from this period, to the death of Washington, forms by far the most interesting part of thefe volumes; it is made with judgment, accuracy, and impartiality, and is peculiarly interefting to thofe English readers who wish to be correctly informed of the fentiments and proceedings of the American government and people in this new and difficult crifis, and to eftimate rightly the grounds of thofe

actions

actions which have fo much embarraffed the intercourfe between this country and her late colonies.

In the firft ftage of the French revolution, that event was in no part of the globe contemplated, Mr. Marshall obferves, with more interest than in America. The influence it would have on the affairs of the world was not then diftinctly forefeen; and the philanthropist, without becoming a political partizan, rejoiced in the event. On this fubject, therefore, there exifted in the public mind but one fentiment. But the minifter fent by the French revolutionary government was not fatisfied with general good-will toward his country; he was directed to require particular diftinction, and a preference before other nations. For this purpose, he demanded, as a regulation, in matters of official intercourfe, that the communication between himfelf and the Prefident thould be direct, without the intervention of the fecretary of ftate, an innovation which Washington confidered himself bound to refift. The tranfaction, at the time was little known, and lefs regarded, but the French government, and its emiffaries, afterwards felt emboldened to make greater demands on the complaifance of America.

The progrefs of the French revolution, and the political ferments it occafioned, produced a fchifm in the American cabinet, where Mr. Jefferfon headed a party in oppofition to Washington; and as he and his adherents, were warmly attached to the cause of the French republic, they reproached the Prefident, though certainly without reafon, for being too much devoted to the intereft of Great Britain.

Wafhington vainly endeavoured to reconcile thefe parties, or to abate their rancour. The furious advocates of the most wild doctrines and inhuman proceedings in France had numerous advocates in America; fome commercial difputes with England, much exaggerated and mifreprefented, were made topics of loud and virulent abuse, and at the diffolution of Congrefs, in March 1793, the members separated with obvious fymptoms of extreme irritation. When war was declared by France against Great Britain and Holland, the intelligence increased the ferment already fo ftrongly felt in America.

"This event," the author obferves, "feemed to restore full vivacity to a flame which a peace of ten years had not been able to extinguish. The prejudices against Great Britain, which had taken deep root during the war of the revolution, appeared to de rive fresh vigour from recent events; and by a great proportion of the American people, it was deemed almoft criminal to remain unconcerned fpectators of a conflict between their ancient enemy.

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and

and republican France. The feeling upon this occafian was almost univerfal."

Under the influence, however of the Prefident, a procla mation of neutrality was iffued, and to the adherence of the American government to the fyftem thus publicly adopted, the author afcribes in a great mcafure, the profperity of the country. This adherence was not however to be main tained without enduring many of those acts of infolence and violence which France, fince the revolution, has never he fitated to use against those nations which the confidered not fufficiently pliant to her views. A memorable fpecimen is the behaviour of the ambaffador Genet, which Mr. Marfhall thus relates,

"The citizen Genet, a gentleman of confiderable talents, and of an ardent temper, who had been employed during the existence of the monarchy, first as a fub-clerk in one of the bureaus, and afterwards as chargé-de-affairs in Ruffia, was felected for this purpose.

"The letters he brought to the executive of the United States, and his inftructions, which he occafionally communicated, wore an afpect in a high degree flattering to the nation, and decently refpectful to its government. But M. Genet was alfo furnifhed with private inftructions, which the courfe of fubfequent events tempted him to publish. Thefe indicate that, if the American executive fhould not be found fufficiently compliant with the views of France, the refolution had been taken to employ with the people of the United States the fame policy which was fo fuccefsfully ufed with thofe of Europe; and thus to effect an object which legitimate negociations with the conftituted authorities might fail to accomplish.

"M. Genet poffeffed many qualities which were peculiarly adapted to the objects of his miffion; but he feems to have been betrayed by the flattering reception he experienced, and by the univerfal fervour expreffed for his republic, into a too speedy dif clofure of his intentions.

"The day fucceeding his arrival, he received congratulatory addreffes from particular focieties, and from the citizens of Philadelphia, who waited on him in a body, in which they expreffed their fervent gratitude for the zealous and difinterested aids,' which the French people had furnished to America; un. bounded exultation at the fuccefs with which their arms had been crowned; and a pofitive conviction, that on the eftablishment of the republic depended the fafety of the United States. The anfwers to thefe addreifes were well calculated to preferve the idea of a complete fraternity between the two nations, and that their interefts were abfolutely identified."

The

The British minifter to the United States, naturally and juftly complained of the attempt of Genet to exercife rights of fovereignty in America, and thus convert that apparently and profeffedly neutral country, into a mere inftrument of hoftility, to be wielded by France against thofe powers with which he might be at war. The government of the United States flowly inveftigated the facts firft complained of, and others which fubfequently arole, and the fchifm which had before manifested itself in the cabinet was here more confpicuous; the fecretary of the treafury, and the fecretary of ftate, giving oppofite advice. The decifion was contrary to the wishes of Genet, whofe complaints on the occafion were loud and infolent, and he was not without the fupport most relied on by the agents of France, that of clubs and political focieties.

"The principles and opinions of Genet," Mr. Marshall ob ferves, "derived confiderable aid from the labours and intrigues of certain focieties, who had conftituted themselves the guardians of American liberty.

"That attention to the conduct of the legitimate authorities. which is effential in balanced governments, and which, guided by an enlightened patriotifm, may exert a beneficial influence over the measures of those who are entrusted with the powers of the nation, had, in fome few inftances, fo mifconceived the manner in which it might fafely be employed, that temporary and detached clubs of citizens had occafionally been formed in different parts of the United States, for the avowed purpose of watching the conduct of their rulers. After the adoption of the conftitution, fome flight ufe was made by its enemies of this weapon; and in the German republican fociety, particularly, many of the moft ftrenuous opponents of the adminiftration were collected.

"By the French revolution, the force and power of these inftitutions had been fully developed; and their efficacy in proftrating existing establishinents had been clearly ascertained. The increafed influence which they derived from correfponding with each other, and thereby acting in concert, had been unequivocably demonstrated; and foon after the arrival of M. Genet, a democratic fociety was formed in Philadelphia, which feems to have. taken for its model the jacobin club of Paris. An anxious folici tude for the prefervation of freedom, the very existence of which was menaced by an European confederacy, tranfcendant in power, and unparalleled in iniquity;' which was endangered alfo hy the pride of wealth and arrogance of power' difplayed within the United States was the motive affigned for the affociation. A conftant circulation of useful information, and a liberal communication of republican fentiments, were thought to be the best antidotes to any political poifon with which the vital principles.

of

of civil liberty might be attacked :' and to give the more exten. five operation to their labours, a correfponding committee was appointed, through whom they would communicate with other focieties that might be established on fimilar principles throughout the United States.

"Faithful to their fuppofed founder, and true to the real ob. jects of their affociation, thefe focieties continued, during the term of their political exiftence, to be the refolute champions of all the encroachments attempted by the agents of the French republic on the government of the United States, and the steady defamers of the views and measures of the American executive.”

Certain of the co-operations of thefe focieties, and the perfons attached to the fyftem they fupported, Genet did not hesitate to treat the American Government with unreftrained infolence, threatening, in exprefs terms, "to appeal from the Prefident to the people." Perhaps in this crifis, all the prudence of Washington could not have prevented war, attended with revolutionary attempts in America itself, had not the change of government in France, which followed the overthrow of Robertspierre, occafioned the recal of the jacobin ambaffador. The danger of both feems indeed to have been very imminent, according to the candid and judicious ftatement of this author.

"That the war with Britain," he says, "during the continuance of the paffionate and almost idolatrous devotion of a great majority of the people for the French republic, would throw America fo completely into the arms of France, as to leave her no longer mistrefs of her own conduct, was not the only fear which the temper of the day fuggefted. That the fpirit which triumphed in that nation, and deluged it with the blood of its revolutionary champions, might cross the Atlantic, and defolate the hitherto fafe and peaceful dwellings of the American people, was an apprehenfion not fo entirely unfupported by appearances as to be pronounced chimerical. With a blind infatuation, which treated reafon as criminal, immenfe numbers applauded a furious defpotifm, trampling on every right, and fporting with human. life, as the effence of liberty; and the few who conceived free. dom to be a plant which did not flourish the better for being nourished with human blood, and who ventured to difapprove the ravages of the guillotine, were execrated as the tools of the coalefced defpots, and as perfons, who, to weaken the affection of America for France, became the calumniators of that republic. Already had an imitative fpirit, captivated with the splendour, but copying the errors of a great nation, reared up, in every part of the continent, felf-created correfponding focieties, who claiming to be the people, affumed a controul over the conftituted authorities, and were loofening the bands of government.

Already