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husband had closed, and finally removed the detested Baron Ward in favour of ministers more agreeable to the people. The late duke, however, through his barbarity and follies, had rendered his family so unpopular, that the reforms of the duchess could not soothe the excited tempers. She was in the same position as Louis XVI. when he ascended the throne of his predecessor, whose incompetence, corruption, and negligence had brought the monarchy to the verge of the abyss. Rulers have to pay as dearly for the faults of their predecessors as for their own errors. At length the duchess committed the stupidity of treating her people harshly at a critical moment, which caused the benefits of her reign to be forgotten. During an émeute produced by the Mazzinists, she recalled the wretched creatures of the deceased duke to the helm of the state. By this step the duchess utterly forfeited her popularity, and no regret followed her when the national upheaval of 1859 again drove her into exile with her four children. She retired to Switzlerland. After so much sorrow, after the loss of father and husband by the assassin's dagger, must she not have felt almost happy at living in a land where such acts of violence need not be apprehended under a constituted government ? The duchess praised on every occasion the tranquillity and prosperity which Switzerland enjoyed. She died early in 1864, at Venice.

It will be seen from these observations how superior the women of the French branch of the Bourbons are to the men. It is but necessary to compare the courage of the Duchess d'Angoulême in 1815, and the activity of the Duchess de Berry in La Vendée, with the weakness which the king's brothers displayed in all the decisive moments of their life. Probably the Count de Chambord would have become constitutional King of France if his mother had gained the Regency in 1830. And who would place his sister, the Duchess of Parma, on the same level with Charles III., her consort ?

At Venice, Madame Dora d'Istria also formed the acquaintance of the expelled Spanish Bourbons. The wife of Count de Montemolin, afterwards Charles VI., Marie Caroline Ferdinando, was the step-sister of the Duchess de Berry, and died in 1861, a few hours after her husband, at Trieste. She had nothing attractive about her, and did not appear very clever. Probably though, the deafness from which she suffered gave her this appearance. The Spanish Bourbons always displayed ill will towards the memory of the Infanta Charlotte, and the conduct of Maria Christina, both, like the Countess de Montemolin, daughters of Francis I. of Naples and his second wife, Maria Isabella of Spain. It is indubitable that these two princesses, as well as their sister, the Duchess de Berry, understood that the period of absolutism was past, and that their more enlightened views did much for the regeneration of Spain. Although Maria Christina did not possess the energy of the Duchess d'Angoulême, and the Infanta Charlotte did not so thoroughly comprehend the temper of the age as did the friend of Chateaubriand, still exceptional circumstances enabled these women to play a far more important part than the Duchess de Berry. It is true that neither the Infanta Charlotte nor the Regent Maria Christina can be compared with an Elizabeth of England, a Maria Theresa of Austria, or a Catharine of Russia, who ruled their age. But if we form a comparison between Charlotte and her sister and the Spanish princes of the same period, the advantage will decidedly remain on the side of the princesses. It must not be forgotten into what a state the country of Cervantes had been brought by the weak-minded Charles IV. and the fanatic Ferdinand VII. With the arrival of Charlotte at the court of Ferdinand a new era begins. The court party were infuriated with the patriots and cities which had fought so gloriously against Napoleon, because they combined a love of liberty with that of their native land. When Charlotte, in 1822, gave birth to a son, she wished to give him the title of Duke of Cadiz, the name of the city which had been the cradle of the constitution of 1812 and of the revolt of 1820. Beautiful, fiery, and imperious, she was embittered by the unmeaning róle to which the policy of the absolutistic and monastic party condemned her. But when her sister, Maria Christina, married Ferdinand VI., and


him a daughter, she had gnly one thought, that of abrogating the Salic law, which had been introduced into Spain by the Bourbons, and was opposed to all the traditions of a country which was proud of having produced a Blanche of Castile and an Isabella I. But Ferdinand, by abolishing the right of succession which Philip V. had arbitrarily set up, removed from the throne the ignorant and bigoted prince who was the hope of the monks and the reactionary party. The priests threatened him for this with eternal fires; the envoys of the absolute powers of that day worked against the Infanta ; the queen herself was alarmed, and began to draw back. Nothing, however, could move Charlotte, who was already thinking of a marriage between one of her sons and the heiress of Spain, in which she eventually succeeded by the alliance of Francisco d'Assisi and Isabella; thanks to her pertinacity, too, Ferdinand died without revoking the law on which the future of constitutional Spain depended. In fact, although Queen Christina was not greatly attached to liberal ideas, she found herself

compelled by the unanimity with which the absolutist party declared for Don Carlos, to form a junction with the liberals, and grant Spain a constitution, the Statuto of April 15, 1834.

Among the celebrated women of the reign of Louis Philippe may be mentioned his consort, a daughter of Ferdinand I., King of the Two Sicilies, and of Marie Caroline, Archduchess of Austria, aunt of the Duchess de Berry and of Queen Maria Christina. When the crown was offered to the Duke of Orleans, his pious and God-fearing wife would have preferred, it is said, the recognition of Henri V. His sister, on the other hand, the daughter of Egalité, the former member of the Convention, was of a different opinion. Like her brother, educated by Madame de Genlis, who did so much to turn the father of her pupils from the court, the princess, from the outbreak of the Revolution, shared the fate of the patriotic soldier of Jemappes and Valmy. Gifted with an energetic and resolute character, she did not quit France till the day when it was no longer possible for a princess of the blood to remain without risking her head. She had so aroused the hatred of the absolutists against her, that she had scarce arrived at Schaffhausen when an attempt to murder her was made. Still, the troubles and insults of every description to which she was exposed during exile had so slightly changed her opinions, that immediately after her return to France, in 1817, the notabilities of the liberal party began assembling in her salons. The year 1830 opened a wider field for her activity. When Thiers arrived at Neuilly, on July 29,


1830, in order to offer her brother the throne of France, she undertook to remove the duke's hesitation and induce him into a speedy acceptance. From this great moment up to her death the princess exerted such an influence over the king's mind that she was called his Egeria. The public voice was unanimous that the princess alone was able to bend the obstinacy of the king, which with years continually increased, and no little disturbed the Duke and Duchess of Orleans, Prince de Joinville, and the more liberal members of the dynasty. But, though the king doubtless consulted his sister frequently, he did not always attach sufficient importance to her advice. It is difficult of belief that a princess who had such a clear insight into the art of government would have consented to the strange arrangement which deprived the Duchess of Orleans of the Regency, in order to deliver it to that prince who possessed the slightest popularity with the French.

Two daughters of the King of the French also left glorious memories. Madame Dora d'Istria, who was in Belgium in 1855, tells us that every one spoke in admiration of the good qualities of Queen Louise, who, like her consort, had contrived to win the hearts of the Belgians, the great majority of whom are intensely liberal. Marie Louise followed her father to the grave in 1850. Her sister had preceded her in 1839 at Pisa. Every one, of course, knows the statue of the Maid of Orleans which stands in the Versailles Museum, and has been spread abroad by numerous casts. Marie of Orleans was, in fact, a very clever sculptor, and was married in 1837 to the Duke of Würtemberg. Later, in May, 1858, died, too, her excellent sister-in-law Marie, Duchess of Orleans-on foreign soil, in England. Her life is too well known, through the work published under her name, for us to need dwelling on it here. Nevertheless, we cannot refrain from recalling the courage displayed in 1848 by a woman to whom the old king had refused to confide the Regency. In fact, public opinion did not back up Louis Philippe on this question. The enlightened public did not dislike seeing women take a part in the important subjects which agitated society at that day. Ever since 1830 the most influential journals had proved that the Salic law was daily losing ground in the republic of letters. Georges Sand worked for it in the Révue des deux Mondes, Madame Emile de Girardin in the Presse, and Daniel Stern (Marie de Flavigny, Countess d'Agoult) in the feuilleton. It was natural that women should take advantage of this favourable opportunity to discuss the position of their sex. Although Madame de Girardin never displayed any great zeal, on the other hand, Madame de Dudevant and the Countess d'Agoult, under their masculine names, constantly strove to prove that they could not any longer be reckoned as minors, and unable to take care of themselves.

Under the second republic, too, some French womeu tried to take part in politics. Their various efforts, however, all had the same result. Madame Moniot spoke in vain for the political rights of woman. Madame Pauline Roland was no more successful with her demand that women should take part in the election of the representatives, and be themselves competent to be elected. Once, when she went to the ballotbox to deposit her vote, she was repulsed. Madame Eugène Niboyet equally failed in her attempt to found a female club. Since 1844 she had been editing a socialist journal, La Paix des deux Mondes; after


the February revolution she established La Voix des Femmes, with the tendency to demand, in the name of the principle of equality, the exercise of those rights by women which had hitherto been only granted to the men. The Bonne-Nouvelle Club, however, was closed by order of the government, and the journal which had assumed the inoffensive title of í Avenir disappeared very soon. The republicans differed in their mode of regarding these manifestations. The democrats, who wished the revolution to keep a purely political character, were angry at the republic being compromised. Even the socialists were not agreed. Some, like Proudhon, ridiculed the feminine pretensions; others, like Pierre Leroux, praised these attempts, which they did not declare dangerous, but also not superfluous.

Under Napoleon III. no special changes have taken place in the position of the women. It might have been supposed that Louis Napoleon, in his efforts to freshen up the traditions of the First Empire, would restore those articles of the Code Napoléon which had been abrogated by the clerical party under the Bourbons. But very little has been done ; the

goveroment limiting themselves to dispensing poor women from the costs they had hitherto been obliged to pay in obtaining a divorce. This measure, however, was greeted with great delight, and has been zealously taken advantage of, so that, in a hundred cases of separation, ninety-nine are passed on the demand of the wife. When we notice, in addition, that, according to the statistical tables which the Débats published on July 2, 1863, very few widows re-marry, while, on the other hand, nearly all the widowers take a second wife, a true idea will be obtained of the position of French women under the Second Empire. In politics the new legislature has restored to women the right of the Regency. Before the Italian war their legal existence, and the numerous advantages connected with it, were guaranteed to many convents. Since, however, Victor Emmanuel has allied himself to the Napoleonic dynasty, and claimed Rome, the affection for the Bonaparte family has greatly decreased in spite of these concessions, and, although the wars in China, Cochin-China, and Mexico were vehemently applauded by the clericals, the hopes of this party have evidently but slightly altered since 1814. This unexpected opposition of the clergy the government try to check by raising popular education, which will act so greatly on the mental and moral improvement of the peasant and workwomen. In opening the session of 1863-64, Napoleon III. said: “ The number of pupils has increased one-fourth since 1848. At the present time there are at the primary schools about five million children being educated, one-third of them gratuitously. Our exertions, however, must not cease, for there are still six hundred thousand not attending any school.”

Even more interesting, perhaps, than the above extracts about French women are the letters of Madame Doria about the conduct and condition of Italian, Spanish, and Portuguese women. It is possible, therefore, that we may return to this curious volume at an early date.




WE gauge

the elements and measure space, And penetrate the rock's strange history, But who can measure in word's feeble trace

A mind's great worth, a soul's nobility ?
Honoured and loved, his was no empty name,

And he is raised by worth above our praise,
higher title than the titled claim-

He won a nation's love, a patriot's bays.
The flower of goodness bloomed within his soul,

From which were born those lofty thoughts and deeds, That had no limit and no resting goal,

In striving for the people’s sorest needs. Stern in the splendid purpose of his life,

He waged a bloodless war to conquer ills, And ʼmid opposing sects and party strife,

His strength could lead and mould discordant wills. A nation's mighty pulses far and wide

Did beat in unison to call him friend, And dearest benefactor true and tried,

Whose principles no gifts could ever bend. For slavish gifts and gilded vanities,

And covetous rank that meaner souls can crave, He spurned; bis aim was not for ease;

His recompense doth lie beyond the grave;
In the rich blooms of good his efforts bear,

For every season and for every clime,
Whose hardy roots no changeful wind can tear,

But yield their fragrance now, and through all time. His soul looked down upon all hateful strise,

The scourge of war, the pest of rival creeds, All that embitters and enslaves our life,

The fights of kings, pr man's dark, bickering deeds. He nobly dreamt-God bless him for that dream

Of universal brotherhood and peace;
How men and nations, brightened by love's gleam,

Life's scope—to strive for goodness-might increase How nations nourishing old hostile thought,

The days of bitterness and rivalry, Through mmon needs and interests might be wrought

In adamantine bonds of harmony. Shrined in a nation's lasting gratitude,

A myriad thankful hearts his love repays, Undimmed by change, or Time's resistless flood,

His name needs not the homage of our praise.


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