have otherwise perilled their existence at the call of their people. That issue is involved in this campaign, and no artifice or chicanery should be permitted to bury it out of sight. But what right have those, to complain, who were in the Democratic Convention, but yet were not in the rebel ranks? Did they aid us to suppress the rebellion? Were they prompt with men and money in our need? Were they hopeful in our dark days, and joyful in our bright days? Did they cheer our soldiers and give them the strength of their blessings and a God-speed? Did they nurse them when sick, and succor them when wounded? No, sir; they did not, or else they would not be found to-day in such company. The civilian who supported the military in the day of the war, has never yet complained that we have done great wrong, nor ever yet desired to take the reins of government from the Republican Party.

This is no schism in our own ranks. This is no falling off of those who once were with us, because of our misdeeds. This is no branch of the Union party, saying that we are tyrants and usurpers and robbers and destroyers, and that therefore they can support us no longer. Not at all. It is simply our old enemies who have fought us in the Halls of Congress, and on the battle-field, and in campaigns, for years; never winning, ever failing, but always fierce and hateful.

It affords me sincere pleasure that I may look again upon those who met so lately in convention at the city of Chicago. What a sight was there! Mr. Chairman, there were gathered together the men who had served their country in every capacity to which duty called them. The men whose devotion had been as unswerving as their fidelity was unquestioned. Men whose sole thoughts and whose constant thoughts were for their country's good, and how best and soonest to make it manifest and permanent. Men from the closet, men from the camp, men from the public station, men from private life, men of distinction, men unknown; but all of them, whithersoever they came and whatsoever they were, all of them men who came on the one thought of how yet to aid their country.

Whom did they select, and how were they selected? Not after days of balloting, and nights of intrigue; not upon bargains by politicians, and tradings by tricksters; not upon appliances of questionable morality, and through stimulants of debasing tendency. In a moment, as it were, and by one spontaneous accord, the hearts of all these men came together, and their judgments approved their instincts. With one unfaltering acclaim, they selected the hero whose valor had been resplendent in the field, and the statesman whose wisdom had been acknowledged in Congress. The popular judgment is seldom wrong, but never was it so right as when it asked that this Government should be put in

the hands of Grant and Colfax. They had seen Grant clothed with the powers of a dictator, and seen him use them with the moderation of a patriot. They had seen him at the head of an irresistible army, and had seen him disband it as from a dress parade. They had watched him achieve victory after victory, and yet quietly put off all the shows and trappings of war. They had found him sagacious as a counsellor, and safe as a chieftain. He had proved himself to be honest, and they knew he could be trusted.

Sir, on that day three hundred thousand sainted martyrs to the cause of liberty, for whom the earth had bared her bosom to receive their manly forms, and heaven opened wide her gates to receive their noble spirits, looked down approvingly upon our action, because it was the action of true and faithful men, intending the honor, prosperity, and happiness of their country.

I have no doubt, sir, of their election. To doubt it would be to impugn the judgment of my countrymen. The country demands that the political power for that "many years to come," desired by the Democrats, shall be intrusted to the Republican Party. The people have faith in the Republican Party. They judge it by what it has done, and hence they know, full well, what it will do. They know that the Republican Party is, in fact, the only party of peace and prosperity. It was that party which led the hosts of the Union, to the haven of peace, through the red ordeal of war. These questions, which now embarrass us, are but the debris of war. We have cared for the wounded, we have buried the dead. We have disbanded our armies, as part of the work remaining after the war. To give stability to the currency, to equalize taxation, to harmonize States, and to insure prosperity, is still another and probably quite as difficult a portion of that same labor. But the party which did the one, is unquestionably equal to the other.

I am not an enthusiast, when obstacles are to be overcome, and when intricate questions are to be solved. I do not wish, therefore, to be called visionary, or enthusiastic, when I predict the results which will certainly follow from the administration of the Republican Party in four years more. We will see, sir, then, the admirable results of having all the different departments of the Government acting in entire unison and accord. Heretofore, during the eight years that our party has been in power, we have had to give four of them to stay the tide of rebellion, and the rest have been rendered nearly useless to us by the obstinacy, the perversion, and the machinations of a designing executive. When we marched into the field, our foe was before us. We knew what we had to meet. There were no surprises in store for us. It was the dread arbitrament of battle. But after that, we had another foe to meet-a

dangerous foe, powerful, and insidious; one whose assaults were made, in the garb of peace, and under the pretexts of law; one who sought to check every step of our progress, and retard every advance of our civilization. Our time has been occupied in detecting the hidden ambushes of this enemy, and saving ourselves from his surprises. But soon he will pass away.

Like the armed foe whose accessory he was, he will disappear from the public gaze, and become impotent for further harm. With the Executive to encourage the Congress, and with a Congress which will respect and hearken to the Executive, then, indeed, the fruits of our legislation will be visible, and gratifying. Commerce will revive, for the country will have stability. Our ships shall once again multiply upon the seas, for our flag will denote security. Our name shall be respected abroad, for we shall have demonstrated the doctrine of selfgovernment. Our bonds will be sought for investment, for we shall have vindicated our integrity. Our currency shall be unsuspected at home, for we shall have proved its value. Our revenue shall be increased, for the country will have become inspired with confidence. Bad men will be hurled from power, and honest ones put in their places. Our taxes shall be diminished, for all will unite in yielding them. The Southern States will be reorganized and recognized, for they will have seen that therein lies their welfare.

We will go on, sir, as a Nation, hand-in-hand, treading the broad pathway which leads up to prosperity and progress, with our march unimpeded by the difficulties which now surround us, and posterity shall bless our work, unceasingly, forever.

LOGAN IN THE CAMPAIGN OF 1868-WHAT WAS THOUGHT AND SAID OF HIS EFFORTS-HIS GREAT SPEECHES AT POUGHKEEPSIE, N. Y., AND MORRIS, ILL.

During the Presidential contest which followed, Mr. Logan was untiringly active, making many speeches, in other States, as well as his own, which were acknowledged to be among the most powerful of that campaign. Of one of them, the New York City special correspondence of the Chicago Evening Journal, August 18th, said:

General Logan's speech at Poughkeepsie on Friday evening is winning golden opinions for him. Several of our papers reproduce it entire, while all the Republican sheets copy more or less of it. Many

pronounce it the very best campaign speech yet delivered, while others rank it among the very best, classifying it with the one just delivered by Matthew H. Carpenter in your city. . . . I never heard General Logan but once, at the Cooper Institute in 1865, when the ovation, irrespective of party, was extended to him, Grant, and Blair. I sat beside him on the stage, and as I watched the effect of his remarks on the vast assemblage, how he seemed to lead them captive at his will, it seemed to me that he must be one of the very best campaign speakers in the country. We are very thankful for his services here, in New York, to assist us in overcoming the fifty thousand majority under which the Empire State now staggers.

Another great speech, delivered September 1, 1868, at Morris, Ill., which fairly discussed the claims of both parties to the support of the people, refuted the charge of Republican extravagance, riddled the Democratic ideas of financeering, defended the Republican reconstruction policy, and exhibited the criminal folly of permitting the Democrats to undo all that the armies of the Union and the Republican party had done,-covering twelve columns of the Chicago Republican, was not alone a thoroughly exhaustive and compendious review of the political situation, but one of the most remarkable efforts ever made in this country upon the stump. The following extract from it, touching Republican good faith and Democratic repudiation, is interesting as a sample of General Logan's stump-speech style:

Now, my fellow-citizens, I want to add, inasmuch as I am upon this subject of expense, that our debt being $2,510,000,000 and a little over, we, the Republican Party, propose to pay that debt. [Cheers and great

applause.] That is to say, if we control the Government, we propose that that debt shall be paid. [Renewed applause.] And not only paid, but we also propose that the Democrats and rebels, or rebels and Democrats [applause], shall help pay it. [Tremendous enthusiasm.] Yes, we propose that. [Loud applause.]

Now how do we intend to do that? I differ with the Democracy in this country. I am not in a hurry to pay this; and I will give you my reasons for saying and feeling so. Our proposition is to liquidate this debt in twenty-five, thirty or forty years. And why do we propose to do that? Because in that length of time, owing now $2,510,000,000,—

if we reduce the public debt as rapidly as we have within the last two years,-how long will it take to pay it, reducing taxation at the same time? Why we shall cancel it, in twenty-five years; at the same time -mind that!—at the same time doing away with taxation almost entirely. We will pay it in twenty-five years without our feeling it, by a tariff that will not be oppressive to the people, and by a light incometax, together with a tax upon the luxuries of life. That is the policy of the Republican Party. [Great applause and long cheering.]

We proposed, this last Congress, to fund this debt, and to fund it so that the interest would only be four, to four and a half, per cent., instead of five and six per cent. But Mr. Johnson stuck the bill in his pocket, and it didn't become a law. But, according to the platform of the Republican Convention, we make the proposition to reduce the interest on the public debt, and thereby lighten the burthens of the people. And we propose to do it, not by passing a law that a man shall take this thing for that, but to do it in such a way that it will cause the bondholders to exchange the one bond for the other, by letting that other run a time at a lower rate of interest, as is the policy of England and other European powers, because the great capitalists prefer a bond running thirty or forty years, instead of say ten, as it saves them the trouble of reinvesting the money. And for that reason a bond running for a long term of years, is better than one running for a short term, and can be put upon the market at a lower rate of interest.

This is our plan of paying the public debt. The Democratic Party propose to pay it differently. I do not agree with them, as I remarked, in their proposition. They say they are in favor of paying it within five years. They want it paid right off. They say, "You are paying six per cent. interest on this great debt all the time." That is true, or the most of it. You pay six per cent. on about $1,600,000,000, and five per cent. on the balance—that is, at the rate of six per cent. on the 5-20's and five per cent. on the 10-40's, in gold. They say that while we are paying that interest, they want to stop that interest. How do they propose to stop that interest? It's the to do, the way they propose to do it. want to stop this interest, by issuing debt, and they have a stump speech on that point that is calculated to deceive a great many ignorant people. It won't deceive any man of ordinary sense and information, but it may deceive a man who is destitute of that article which is very necessary in a country where a man should understand his business and the affairs of the Nation. [Laughter and applause.]

easiest thing in the world [Laughter.] They say they greenbacks to pay off this

We have now $700,000,000 of currency. Over $350,000,000 of it is