tribes, who once sent terror through our borders, when provoked by unnecessary war and unwise action on our part. That some have met deserved fate, there is no doubt; that horrid cruelties have darkened their history, cannot be denied; but, sir, it was our mission to redeem them from savage life and elevate them in the scale of being for which they were formed. And, as we now stand upon the one hundredth

annual round of our national existence and look down the vista of receding years can we contemplate the picture without a single pang of remorse; can we say we have been faithful to the trust reposed in us? Sir, the record is made, the history is written, and, although much of it is crimsoned with unnecessary blood, it must stand; it is beyond our power now to change it; but the present and the future are not beyond reach. Let us then, in this matter, vindicate our right to the name "Christian nation," and let no false ideas of economy, in order to gain political capital, prevent us from doing our duty, and whole duty, as a nation, to these unfortunate and degraded people.

One single item in the Commissioner's last report, small as it is, is sufficient in itself to justify our outlay on this Bureau; that is, that the births exceed the deaths. It indicates that the tendency to extinction has ceased, and that, by wise measures and the civilizing process, the forces of decay may be checked.

Why, sir, when I turn away from the sad picture of the past, and look forward to what the future of this people may be if the policy now adopted is properly sustained and the system for accomplishing the work thoroughly and wisely revised and placed on a proper footing, I feel a deep anxiety to have my name recorded as one of the advocates and defenders of this policy. As I look forward, and trace the history of the future, as the veil lifts year by year, and see one after another of the tribes gathered on suitable reservations and gradually, though slowly, learning the arts of husbandry, and the children gathered in the schoolrooms and gradually acquiring an education; as I see the females, now beasts of burden, step by step acquiring their proper position in social life,it binds my heart to my country by a new tie. As I lengthen my gaze, and look a little farther, I see waving fields of grain and happy homes where once roved the wild buffalo and wilder savages; the children of these once savage hordes have grown into manhood and womanhood; they have taken on them the habiliments of civilization, and now no longer is the wild war whoop heard from ocean to ocean, no longer is there need for a military post, scout, or soldier on our borders of civilization, for we have none save the ocean bounds, east and west, and. national bounds, north and south. I catch one more glance before the vision fades, and I see these tribes, redeemed and Christianized, ad

mitted to all the rights of civilization and citizenship, and side by side in these halls sit their representatives; and I listen in admiration while' thit native eloquence, now educated and trained in all the arts of elocution and oratory, thrills with admiration the attentive audience. Sir, could I link my name with a measure which will result in this end, I would feel sure that it would live and endure while the rolls and records of time endure.

LOGAN'S VIEWS ON

FINANCE-NON-TAXABILITY OF BONDS AND

NOTES THE NECESSITY FOR UPHOLDING THE CREDIT.

In the course of a speech at Clinton, Ill., October 10, 1878, devoted to a thorough discussion of the financial question, General Logan said:

It is true that Government bonds are not taxable, and it is equally true of the United States notes (or greenbacks); and why should they be taxed? Is it because the persons holding these obligations should be made to pay a tax, or is it that the obligation itself should be taxed? If it is the obligation, as the Democrats say in platform and speeches, I say the law and reason for the same is against them. It is not that the holder of the bond or greenback is exempt from taxation as a class. That is not it, but that the credit of the Government is protected thereby. The Government, as well as having the consent of the people to its existence, must have credit. No Government can long exist without credit: without it the machinery cannot work; without it the power to preserve itself is lost. Armies and navies would melt away; without it, wars offensive and defensive must be abandoned, and Government would soon be disrupted. Your credit is the very life-blood of your nation. On it, you borrowed money, you sold your bonds, you put your notes in circulation, and now maintain them at nearly par. By your credit, you organized armies and navies and. suppressed a rebellion, preserved your Nation intact, and gave that liberty to men to which they were entitled. This being so, can this, or any other Nation, allow States or municipalities to depreciate or cripple it by taxing the credit of the Sovereign power? To permit a State to tax bonds or obligations of the Government, is to allow the State, the county, and the city, to attack the credit and the power under the Constitution to borrow money. This would place the power in States, that might be preparing for a secession from the Government, to depreciate the credit to such an extent that the Government would be powerless to protect itself. During our noble existence, as a Gov

ernment, this power has never been acknowledged, and at no time has the levy of a tax ever been permitted on any stock, certificates of indebtedness, bonds, or currency of the Government; nor will any Government accede to any such proposition. This attack upon the credit of the Nation is not of recent birth, and therefore our learned statesmen should not claim a patent for it. At first blush it seems proper, until we consider the matter and see where it might carry us. I thought once, without examination of the question, that it might be done, and I say now to our opponents that then I was only as wise as they seem to be now. [Laughter.] In South Carolina, in 1829, prior to the attempt of Mr. Calhoun and his adherents to establish a Southern Confederacy, they made an attack upon the credit of the Nation by levying a tax upon the stock and indebtedness of the Government, which was largely held in that part of the country. A tax was laid upon stock of the Government held by a Mr. Weston. He took the case to the United States Supreme Court. Chief-Justice Marshall, one of the brightest legal lights that ever adorned the bench, delivered the opinion of the Court, and in this case of Weston vs. The City of Charleston, Chief-Justice Marshall says: "A tax on Government stock is thought by this court to be a tax on the contract, a tax on the power to borrow money on the credit of the United States, and consequently repugnant to the Constitution." And since this decision there have been four other cases decided, where the question arose on the taxing of Government bonds, and also on United States notes (or greenbacks), and it has been universally held that the credit of the Government was not subject to taxation. In the last case, decided at the December Term, 1868, ChiefJustice Chase delivered the opinion, and declared "greenbacks," as they are called, not subject to taxation, being obligations of the Government. Now, I would like to understand, with all these decisions of the Supreme Court on the subject, and the reasons for them, how it is that a party, or any man, claiming to treat the people fairly in discussing this subject, can have the face to take the position assumed in favor of taxing the credit of the Government. And now we say to them, in answer to their arraignment on this point, that the Republican Party stands by the precedents of all civilized and commercial nations in the preservation of their credit; we stand by the uniform precedents of our own country on this question; we stand by the numerous decisions of the Supreme Court-Democratic, Whig, and Republican-on this question; and that finally we stand, as it were, like a great wall between the credit of the Nation, and the demagogues who would now assail and destroy it. [Great applause.] The next assault is made on the Republican Party on account of the National Banking system. It is proposed to

wipe it out of existence without giving us any well-matured plan as a substitute. We all know that some system of banking will be carried on. Commercial countries cannot get along without banks in some form, as a convenience to trade. For seven centuries this business has been carried on. When we had the Democratic system of banks, although in this State based upon bonds, they were found to be unreliable and unsafe. Our currency was not stable or in any way reliable. It was not suited to our condition. During the war, the system of National Banks was established, the currency to be based upon our bonds, for security and protection to the bill-holder. The bills of these banks have ever been as good as United States notes, and as secure and reliable for all practical purposes. They were established to aid the Government and the people. They will be a great aid in keeping all our circulating currency at par in coin when specie payments are once resumed. With their notes redeemable in United States notes, and United States notes in coin, we will be able to float nearly twice the amount of currency at par that we could with the whole floated as Government notes redeemable in coin at the Treasury.

THE FOOTPRINTS OF PARTIES ON THE AVENUES OF TIME-WORDS OF LIVING LIGHT.

In the same great speech, the following strikingly earnest and eloquent passages at once rivet attention and carry conviction to the mind:

Have we a government or not? If we have, then it is a fixed and stable government? And, if we have a government fixed, stable, and good, shall it be preserved? [Voices: "Yes, yes."] Shall we keep it? Shall we suffer ourselves to be drawn away from that which is good, by the vagaries of men without reason or judgment? Prior to the year 1860, my countrymen, this Government was in the control of men whom we cannot call its friends; and when I say this, I do not mean either the loyal Democrats or the loyal Nationalists, but I mean that element of our population which has always advocated the sovereignty of the State as superior to the sovereignty of the Nation. To-day we are presented with rather an alarming spectacle. Notwithstanding the fact of the great preponderance in population and means contributed to the support of the Government by that section of the country which remained loyal to it, we find the reins of government gradually moving into the hands, not of the loyal Democrats, nor of the loyal Nationalists, but of the very men who made war against it and did their ut

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nost to destroy it. People may call me prejudiced if they will; they may declare me wrong; but I cannot escape the feeling that the man who loved his country, and battled for it in the hour of danger, is a safer man to trust with its care, than the one who hated and sought to uproot and overturn it. [Great applause, and voices crying, "That's the doctrine."] The loyal people of the North, the honest men,-Republican, Democrat, and Nationalist alike,-have it in their power to control our affairs to the end of keeping the Government in the care and ward of those who will certainly preserve and perpetuate the union of the American States. [Cheers.] It is a matter they should seriously consider; for if it is again placed under the power of those who never had any belief in it, no man can forecast the result.

In this emergency I appeal to the young men of the country to look well to the future. Let them examine men and measures with the utmost care. Let them consider the men who have stood by the Government in its hours of danger, and compare with them those who are seeking to inaugurate new policies. Let them compare men in public. life as they compare men in private life, and let them compare parties as they compare their neighbors. Let them look to the record of parties as the guarantees of conduct, just as they look to the records. of individuals. When a party was in power, what was its record? What was its history?-for it certainly has one written indelibly upon the page of events. Everything makes a history, and marks out a path as it passes down the avenues of time. It has been beautifully said that the plant and the pebble are both attended by their own shadows. The drop of water falling from the clouds leaves its imprint upon the sand, and the stone which rolls from the mountain-top scratches its course to the very bottom. The mighty river, as it flows majestically along, marks the banks which hedge it, and leaves the imprint of its torrent upon the rocks which intercept its course. In every aspect in which we view the works of Nature, we find them leaving their own history for the benefit of the future.

So it is with parties of men. The party in this country which preceded the Republican Party, came into being, passed over the stage of public life, and made a public record. What was it? It is written on the credit of our country, on its energies, on its good name. It moved along, and made a track through cities, over prairies, across rivers, down railroads, along the streams, over the lakes, and upon the bosom of the mighty ocean; and wherever that track was made it can be seen to-day. The stain of human blood is upon it. And when you view the movement of the party which has thus made its record, you will find it