orator at the conclusion. The galleries were packed, and hundreds were unable to gain admission. The crowd seemed to be with Logan in sentiment, for there were several attempts at applause, which were suppressed.

A Washington special to the Chicago Inter-Ocean said:

Judge James of New York, who sat on the Bench of that State for twenty-four years before he came to Congress, says that Senator Logan's presentation of the points at issue on the army bill was the best that has yet been made.

The Inter-Ocean itself said editorially of Senator Logan's speech on this occasion,-the full text of which it published:

It is undoubtedly one of the ablest presentations of the Republican side yet made, and will be read with great satisfaction by the people of the Northwest.

Another special to that paper said:

General Logan made a powerful speech to-day on the army bill, occupying the floor over two hours. The galleries were crowded, and the area behind the Senators' desks was filled with members of the House and other distinguished visitors. It was a discussion of the legal points involved, and most of the speech was devoted to a studied analysis of the relation of the army to the civil power of the Government, and to the extent which the civil power could carry the army in enforcing its processes. He went into history, and related at length the precedents established by Democratic Presidents in using the army as a civil weapon, which the Democrats in Congress were now denying that they had a right to do. One of the strongest points Logan made was by showing Democratic inconsistency-by picturing their position. on this question in slave times, and their position now. He had read President Fillmore's proclamation in 1851, calling for the restoration of a fugitive slave, and then cited the celebrated Burns fugitive case, and asked where the doctrine of State rights had been in the days when slaves were pursued by the forces of the General Government into States where citizens wished to protect them from degrading bondage. The same black man, once hunted down, asked protection in the rights guaranteed him by law; but State rights now were set up to take away his protection in the exercise of his privilege. This point is one of the strongest that has been made in the debate in either House, and is unanswerable. After discussing, at length, the legal questions involved,

the relations of Congress and the Executive, the question of forcing legislation upon the President by making supplies for the Government dependent upon it,-the same questions that were argued over and over again in the House,-Logan came down to matters of fact, and, as Senator Chandler expressed it, "pitched into the rebels." The theme was a good one, and Logan was well fitted to handle it, for he and Burnside, Kellogg, and Plumb, are the only Union soldiers in the Senate. His remarks were right to the point; and he showed how the ex-Confederates, having failed by arms to capture the Government, had succeeded in doing it by violence and fraud at the ballot-box. At the conclusion he was warmly congratulated.

A Washington special in the Troy Daily Times said of it:

General Logan made an eloquent and effective speech on the political situation in the Senate this afternoon-the best thus far that has been delivered on the pending bill. The galleries were crowded with attentive listeners.

Editorially, the same paper said:

The speech of General Logan in the Senate of the United States yesterday dealt with unvarnished facts, the free statement of which must have made the ex-Confederates and their Northern henchmen squirm. Beck, of Kentucky, squealed aloud in anguish and malice.

The Era-Illinoisan of April 18th, said:

Thank God, Illinois is again represented in the United States Senate by a stalwart. Logan spoke in thunder tones, Tuesday.

Under the heading "General Logan at the front once more," the Chicago Evening Journal, April 16th said:

From the time that it became evident that the Senate of the United States was drifting into Democratic control, the election of General Logan to represent the Republican Party of Illinois in that body became a foregone conclusion. It was felt that he was the right man to do battle for Republicanism in that supreme council of the Nation, and in speech, as by vote, meet the common enemy. His masterly effort of yesterday thoroughly justified that sentiment. It was a speech of which every Republican may well be proud. The subject is hackneyed. Garfield, Blaine, and a host of lesser lights had discussed it, but the fertile brain and high statesmanship of General Logan found in it ample scope. For two hours he held the Senate and the galleries, as

he held up to view the diabolical purpose and revolutionary policy of the Confederate Democracy.

Another journal said:

The North will thank Senators representing that section for more just such speeches as General Logan's, for they tend to arouse the loyal public to a consciousness of the danger the country is in, under the control of the Confederate brigadiers.

Said the Des Moines Register:

General Logan met the rebel brigadiers, in the Senate, last Tuesday, and, as on the tented field in the days that tried American nerve, "waxed 'em." The gallant General well and nobly represents the Union army in its cause, and well and nobly represents its interest in Congress. It is a pity the North had not a dozen more Union Generals in the Senate to aid him.

These are but samples, of hundreds of similar encomiums, from the press of the country.

ONE OF THE CONFEDERATE BRIGADIERS

CHALLENGES GENERAL

LOGAN-LOGAN TREATS HIS COMMUNICATIONS WITH CONTEMPT, AND TELLS THE BRIGADIER'S "SECOND" TO "GO TO

During April, 1879, General Logan performed an act of the highest moral courage, in declining to notice a challenge sent him by Representative W. M., Lowe of Alabama, one of the "Confederate brigadiers," all of whom felt dreadfully over the lashing Logan had given them in his great speech on the army bill. General Logan, as we have seen, had delivered the speech on April 15th. On the 16th, the special correspondent of the Pittsburg Post telegraphed that paper, as follows:

The grandeur of Logan's loyalty is dimmed a little by the following conversation which occurred between your correspondent and Congressman Lowe of Alabama, a Greenback Representative from the Huntsville District:

Correspondent.-"Are you sure, Colonel Lowe, that Senator Logan ever contemplated entering the Confederate service?"

Colonel Lowe.- -"I am sure that there were three regiments of Illinois men in the Confederate service; that I fought through the war with them; that I knew and often conversed with many of them, and that, without exception, those with whom I talked on the subject assured me that their regiments were raised by Logan for the Confederate service. Why, it is so true that Logan himself will not deny it if asked it upon the floor of the Senate. He will dodge the question. True? Why, I tell you I have talked with men whom I knew, and who declared that they were enlisted for the Confederate service by Logan."

This was but a reassertion of an old campaign slander that had been refuted time and time again, but which was now reiterated by one of the Confederate brigadiers, possibly in the hope of fastening a quarrel upon General Logan. of goading him into a duel, and of making some such example to brave Northern men as was made by Judge Terry of the lamented Senator Broderick. On April 21st, General Logan replied in the Washington National Republican, after quoting the interview aforesaid, as follows:

As to there being three regiments of Illinois men in the Confederate service, and that I raised them or any of them for the Confederate army, in defence of the honor of the State I in part represent, and of myself, I answer the statement is false. There were not three regiments in the Confederate service from Illinois, nor two, nor one; and that I ever raised a regiment or company, or any part of a company, or had anything to do, either directly or indirectly, in raising men for such service, is maliciously and villainously false. And it is further stated in said despatch that this "statement [meaning that I raised men for the Confederate service] is so true that I would not deny the charge if made on the floor of the Senate," but that "I would dodge the question." Now, sir, I say "that I do not now nor have I ever dodged the question. The whole statement, so far as I am concerned, is a vindictive and malicious lie."

Then follows a statement of how the falsehood was first fabricated, and why it was spread, and of its refutation. The General concluded his letter thus:

I understand that Colonel Lowe claims that this is not a correct report of what he said to the reporter. If not, he should correct the state

ment, and make the reporter responsible for putting a lie in his mouth. The statement I brand as false and slanderous, and Colonel Lowe and the reporter can settle it between themselves as to which one has been guilty of perpetrating this villainous falsehood. JOHN A. LOGAN.

In a subsequent communication to the press, Colonel Lowe, after quoting the preceding paragraph and italicizing the strongest expressions, as above, stated that, on April 21st, he sent a note to General Logan which ended thus:

This being the substance of my statement in said interview, I desire to know whether in your communication to the Republican this morning you apply the words "false and slanderous" to me.

(Signed)

WM. M. Lowe. This will be handed to you by my friend, Charles Pelham, Esq.

(Signed)

W. M. L.

Continuing his communication, Colonel Lowe said:

This note was delivered by Judge Pelham to Senator Logan at his city residence on the morning of the 22d inst. Receiving no reply, I sent on the morning of the 24th inst. the following note.

Here follows the note, which recited the fact of his having sent the letter of the 21st, and summarized its substance, and continued:

Having received no reply to that letter, I am forced to again call your attention to these offensive words, and to demand to know whether My friend Charles Pelham, Esq., is authorized

you apply them to me. to receive your reply.

"This note," continued Mr. Lowe, "was delivered to Senator Logan in the vestibule of the Senate Chamber on the afternoon of its date. Receiving no reply, I sent Senator Logan the following note, which was delivered to him at 3 P.M. on the day of its date:

"Hon. John A. Logan.

""WASHINGTON, D. C., April 25, 1879.

"SIR: On the 21st inst. you published in the Republican of this city a communication containing words personally reflecting upon me. I