restore Fitz-John Porter to the army,-and pay him $60,000 to boot, for back pay,-delivered before a listening Senate and crowded galleries throughout, with Blaine, and Conkling, and Edmunds, and Thurman, and General Sherman, and even Porter himself, giving absorbed attention to the marvellous array of military law-learning, facts, arguments, illustration, denunciation, and appeal which poured from the eloquent lips of this warrior-statesman. It was likened, by the press, to the greatest effort of Tom Benton, in length and force, and the New York Tribune said of it: "Probably never before within the history of the Senate has a speech, lasting through the sessions of four days, been listened to with such attention." And the result of that speech was the defeat of the bill in that Congress. Most extraordinary was the ease with which, at various stages of its delivery, when interrupted by such practised debaters and legal luminaries as Ben Hill, and Randolph, and Kernan, he unhorsed his adversaries in debate. It is impossible, of course, even to sketch this wonderful speech, this great legal argument, which covers no less than forty-six pages of the Congressional Record; but the protest with which the gifted Senator closed, may not inappropriately here be given. Said he :

Then, sir, in conclusion, I say as an American citizen, as a senator of the United States, I do most sincerely and earnestly protest against the passage of this proposed bill.

By every remembrance of gratitude and loyalty to those whose faithful devotion preserved their country, I must protest against this stupendous reward to him who, in the judgment of the court, faltered in duty and failed in honor in the hour of peril and climax of battle.

I protest, because the precedent sought to be established would prove a source of unknown evils in the future. It would stand hereafter as an incentive to military disobedience in the crisis of arms, and as assurance of forgiveness and emolument for the most dangerous crime a soldier can commit.

I protest, because every sentence heretofore executed upon subordinates in the service, for minor offences, would stand as the record of

a cruel tyranny, if this supreme crime is to be condoned and obliterated and its perpetrator restored to rank and rewarded with pay.

I protest, because the spirit of patriotism, upon which alone we must rely in the Nation's need, hereafter will be shamed and subdued by inflicting this brand of condemnation upon those patriotic men who began and conducted the original proceedings and sanctioned the origi nal sentence, as well as upon others, equally patriotic, who affirmed the sentence and refused to annul its just decree.

I protest, because the money appropriated by this act will be money drawn from the Treasury in furtherance of an unauthorized purpose, and in defiance of the rules of law.

It

I protest, because the bill is loaded with startling innovations. overrides statutes, and is the exercise of unconstitutional power. It subverts the order of military promotion, and postpones the worthy to advance the unworthy. Its tendency is to applaud insubordination. Its effect will be to encourage dereliction of duty. The soldier and the civilian will alike feel its baneful influence; for such an error, if once permitted to creep into our system of laws, can never be eradicated. Upon every motive for the public good, without one impulse personal to myself against the subject of this bill, with every proper remembrance of the past tempered by every proper conciliation in the present, but looking sternly at the inevitable consequences in the future, I protest against this enactment as a duty I owe to the country which I cannot and would not avoid.

As was before stated, General Logan had the satisfaction of knowing the obnoxious bill failed through his great effort.

DEATH OF ZACH CHANDLER-LOGAN'S IMPRESSIVE ACCOUNT OF HIS DEAD FRIEND'S LAST HOURS AN ELOQUENT EULOGY.

Few will forget the sad death, in the full ripeness of his powers, of Senator Zach Chandler of Michigan. Of all the orations delivered in the United States in memory of that stalwart statesman, none surpassed in interest or eloquence that delivered (January 28, 1880) by Senator Logan, as the following extract will show:

He was not only a man of thought but of action; he was generous, kind, true, and faithful; his bosom welled up and overflowed with the

milk of human kindness; his heart was large enough to embrace within its sympathies all classes; his watchword ever was, liberty and protection to all. He was a patriot in the broadest sense in which that term is understood. During his country's severest trials, his services in her behalf, in giving aid and encouragement to the people of his own State, and in the councils of the Nation, by his bold and fearless course, were great. When the storm of secession was fiercest, he was boldest; as trials came, he rose with the emergency; in the darkest night, he was one of the most steadfast stars. Sir, he was by nature a leader and controller of men, possessing all the necessary qualities that would have fitted him for a great field-marshal-the energy, the boldness, the judgment, the decision, the courage, with the capacity for action and counsel. He was the builder of his own fortune, and the moulder of his own sentiments; a man, sir, true and steadfast to his friends, and one who never begged quarter from an enemy. Yet he was just, at all times,

to friend and foe.

Mr. President, on the last day of his life, in company with one other gentleman, I came with him from Janesville, Wisconsin, to Chicago. He was apparently in excellent health. On the way, once he complained of slight indigestion. About twelve o'clock, I left him at the Grand Pacific Hotel. About five o'clock that afternoon I called at his room, and found him then in exceedingly good spirits, and looking in fine condition. At seven-thirty, he went to McCormick's Hall. There I sat by his side on the stage. About eight o'clock, he was introduced by the President of the Young Men's Auxiliary Club (Mr. Collier) to a grand audience composed of ladies and gentlemen.

He commenced slowly, but warmed up with his subject until he became so eloquent and forcible in his language and illustrations that the audience, in the midst of his speech, arose with one accord and gave three cheers. No orator during an address in the city of Chicago ever received more marked attention or greater applause. He created an enthusiasm that carried all along with it, like the rushing force of a mighty storm. This, sir, was the grandest triumph of his life, and he felt it to be so.

He stood forth before that grand audience like a giant, and with full-volumed voice spoke like a Webster, or a Douglas. His words were well chosen; his sentences terse and complete, abounding in wit, humor, and happy local hits; his logic came like hot shot in the din of battle, crashing through the oaks of the forest. One of his last sentences still rings in my ears-"Shut up your stores, shut up your manufactories, and go to work for your country." The effect of this last speech of

Senator Chandler was electrical; its influence is still felt among the business men of Chicago. The meeting adjourned with great demonstrations in favor of the speaker. He left the hall and went directly to his room, and soon retired to rest.

The next morning I was sitting with my family at breakfast in the Palmer House; a gentleman came into the dining-room in great haste and spoke to me, saying, "Logan, your friend is dead-found in his room dead."

Sir, I arose and bowed my head; my heart was filled with grief and sorrow, I repaired at once to the room occupied by the Senator, in the Grand Pacific Hotel, and there, sir, he lay, in the cold and icy embrace of death.

Yes, sir, dead! He is gone from us. We will hear him no more; his voice is hushed in silence forever. In his room, no one being present with him, in the lonely and solemn gloom of the night, he had passed from life unto death, and in such a peaceful manner that the angel of death must have whispered the message so softly and gently that he knew not his coming. But, sir, what a shock it was to the living! As the fall of the stalwart oak causes a trembling in the surrounding forest, so did the fall of Senator Chandler cause the tender chords of the hearts of this people to vibrate with the tender touch of sympathy everywhere.

Well might his friends weep at their own, as well as their country's, loss. Indeed, he was a man of whom all may speak in praise, and upon whose bier all may drop the tear of sorrow. When earth received him, she took to her bosom one of her manly sons; and when paradise bade his spirit come, a noble one entered there.

Mr. President, time brings lessons which teach us that hope does not perish when the stars of life refuse longer to give light.

The death of our brother-Senator, and those still closely following him, should constantly warn us of the fact that we are travelling to "the undiscovered country from whose bourn no traveller returns." 'Tis true the grave in its silence gives forth no voice, no whispers of the morrow; but there is a voice borne upon the lips of the morning zephyrs that lets fall a whisper, quickening the heart with a knowledge that there is an abode beyond the tomb. Sir, our lamps are burning now, some more brightly than others; some shed their light from the mountain's top, others from the lowly vales; but let us so trim them that they may all burn with equal brilliancy when relighted in the mansions beyond the mysterious river.

I fondly hope, sir, that there we will again meet our departed friend.

THE LOGAN BOOM IN 1880-HIS SELF-ABNEGATING FIGHT for GRANT-GARFIELD MOVED TO TEARS BY LOGAN'S EARLY SUPPORT HIS WONDERFUL PERSONAL CAMPAIGN IN 1880STRIVES ΤΟ MAKE PEACE BETWEEN CONKLING AND PRESIDENT GARFIELD.

HE

Early in 1880, in consequence largely of the effect produced by his wonderful effort in the Fitz-John Porter case, a Logan Presidential "boom" started, which he himself nipped in the bud. He declared for his old commander Grant as being the most available man to nominate, and thus avert the calamity of a "Solid South." In an interview published May 17, 1880, in the Chicago Daily News, he said:

I am in favor of the nomination of General Grant for the Presidency simply and only because he is the strongest and most available man in the contest. I am not making war upon any of the rival candidates. No man has heard me say a cruel or unjustifiable word about Mr. Blaine, Mr. Sherman, or indeed any of the gentlemen whose names have been mentioned as candidates. That I am against them is true, but only because I am for Grant.

As to his own "boom" and an intimation that he was trying to play the part of dark-horse in the contest," he at once wrote a manly letter for publication in which he said: "I never play 'hide-and-seek' in politics. When I wish to be a candidate I say so, and make a square and honorable fight for the prize. I never have second choices; the man that I am for, is my choice always, unless defeated; then the choice made by my friends becomes my choice." And the Chicago Journal, commenting on his frank and manly letter, said: "He is a stalwart Grant man, standing by his great commander now with the same chivalric spirit which prevented him from assuming command of Thomas' army on the eve of victory, as he could have done under his instructions." How nobly he carried out the promise of that