No. XI. NEW SERIES.

THE GREAT PEACE CONGRESS TO BE HELD IN LONDON IN 1851.

WE are now enabled to inform our readers, that the time for the above meeting is definitively fixed. The Congress will open its sittings on Tuesday, July 22nd, and will continue for several days during that week. The above time has been selected after prolonged and careful consideration of the whole subject, and extensive consultation by correspondence with influential gentlemen in America and on the Continent. do very earnestly ask the immediate attention of our friends to this announcement, and hope that in the arrangements they may be contemplating for visiting London, they will take this as a most important element, into their deliberations. We have every reason to anticipate that the London Congress, will far surpass in number, influence, and moral power, all former demonstrations on this, or perhaps any other question what

ever.

Much of its efficiency, however, will depend on the determination of our friends throughout the country, to make it worthy of the occasion, by securing for us, by early and earnest local efforts, such a representation of the intellect, energy, and moral and religious worth of this nation, as will make a deep and indelible impression on the whole civilized world. Further information will be soon and extensively published. Meanwhile, we particularly ask our friends every where, to lose no time in giving publicity to this notice, by obtaining insertion for paragraphs to the above effect in as many as possible of the provincial papers.

We trust that, wherever it is practicable, public meetings will be convened for the election of delegates, both for the sake of investing the parties appointed with the weight and dignity of a representative character, and as an excellent opportunity to call the public attention to the nature and objects of this great international assembly. Let the friends of Peace be profoundly impressed with the conviction that this is no ordinary occasion, but such an one as has never before occurred, and may never again occur, in the history of the race. A platform has been erected for them in presence of the whole civilized world, not by their own exertions, and such as no exertions of theirs could have prepared, but admirably adapted for the exhibition and enforcement of their great principles of universal peace and brotherhood. If we fail to avail ourselves worthily of so magnificent an opportunity, we shall incur indelible dishonour, and inflict lasting and irreparable damage upon the great cause entrusted by God to our care. It is in

our power, with due diligence and resolution, to assemble such a gathering in London as shall paralyze the tongue of the scorner, give an impulse to the cause of Peace which shall carry it forward half a century in advance, and permanently influence the entire destinies of the human race. Shall we prove ourselves unequal to the crisis? or shall we not rather be ready, at whatever sacrifice it may cost us, to make this a meeting that shall be long memorable to all friends of humanity?

PEACE OPERATIONS IN AMERICA.

AN important meeting of the Ohio State Peace Society was held at Columbus, on February 27th, 1851, when a large number of delegates were appointed to the Peace Congress in London. Many admirable resolutions were adopted, and letters were read from several persons of eminence, regretting their absence and expressing their full sympathy with the object of the meeting. The following is of especial interest, as proceeding from a distinguished member of the American House of Representatives, who has brought the question of international arbitration, and others relating to peace, before that body, on various occasions. Taken in conjunction with Mr. Beckwith's letter, which appeared in our last, it presents most cheering indications of progress on the other side of the Atlantic.

Professor Cowles read the following letter from Hon. J. R. Giddings:

Washington City, Feb. 22, 1850. My Dear Sir,-For the encouragement of the friends of peace, I would say that we have achieved a most signal victory in the defeat of the fortification bill to-day, by a vote of 79 to 61. For thirty years Congress has made annual appropriations to carry out a system of fortifications suited to a barbarous age and to barbarous habits.

The system came to us sanctioned by the approbation of great names and established usage. It was one of the incidents of a standing army and a regular navy, which for years has drained the treasury of the nation to no other purpose than to keep the people reminded of war, and of that maxim of a barbarous age which teaches us the policy of "preparing for war in time of peace."

After three hours' discussion, the bill was laid on the table by the vote above stated. It should be understood, however, that this triumph was not brought about by the conviction of the members that disarming the nation is the proper mode of preserving peace. Considerations of economy entered into the motives of some, and, in fact, constituted the principal arguments against the bill; yet the feeling that doing to other nations as we would that they should do to us, is the most effectual preventive against war, was more clearly manifest than I had expected.

A feeling in favour of disbanding the army and dismantling the navy also prevails to a considerable extent. The bills before us at this session propose appropriations to the amount of twenty-four millions to the support of the army and navy and the materials of war. This vast amount ought to be saved entirely to the people, and I trust the day is not far distant when such appropriations will not be made. The defeat of the retired pension list and the fortification bill are cheering indications of the progress of peace principles. Yours truly,

Rev. Henry Cowles.

J. R. GIDDINGS.

THE CONGRESS IN LONDON IN 1851.

As the time is approaching for this great Peace Demonstration, we are receiving numerous testimonies of the deep interest it is exciting at home and abroad. Communications from France, Belgium, and Germany, give us to understand, that large deputations may be expected from all those countries, while our American friends are adopting timely and energetic measures, to ensure a worthy representation from all parts of the States. The following documents will prove, how earnestly they are preparing for the work. The first contains the resolutions of the American Peace Congress Committee.

PEACE CONGRESS COMMITTEE FOR 1851.

From League of Brotherhood-Hon. Amasa Walker, N. Brookfield; Rev. Elnathan Davis, Worcester; John M. Earle, Esq., Worcester; E. W. Jackson, Boston; Rev. Joseph Allen, D. D., Northborough; William A. White, Watertown.

From American Peace Society-Charles Sumner, Esq., Boston; Joshua P. Blanchard, Esq., Boston; Rev. George C. Beckwith, D. D., Boston; Rev. Daniel Sharp, D. D., Boston; George Merrill, Boston; William C. Brown, Chelsea.

Mr. Walker was appointed Chairman of the meeting, and J. P. Blanchard, Secretary.

Voted,-To proceed to the choice of permanent officers of the Committee, and the following were chosen, viz: for Chairman, J. P. Blanchard; for Corresponding Secretaries, E. W. Jackson, and Rev. Elnathan Davis; for Recording Secretary, William A. White; for Treasurer, George Merrill.

Voted, That we heartily approve of the proposal of another Peace Convention, the present year, in the City of London, England; and that we will use our best endeavours to obtain and forward as many delegates as possible for the United States.

Voted, That we approve of the plan adopted last year, of getting delegates to be appointed for the Frankfort Convention, to represent the several States of the Union, Congressional Districts, cities and towns, and corporate bodies, and will use our exertions to follow the same plan the present year for the Convention at London, as far as circumstances will permit.

Voted, That a brief circular be drawn to be printed, announcing the Convention at London, and making an appeal in its behalf, and for the service of delegates, including a request that all persons disposed to go on that mission will report their names to the corresponding Secretaries, and that the draft of this address shall be presented to the meeting to which this shall be adjourned.

Voted, That a Committee of such members of this Committee as shall be found willing, shall be appointed to proceed to Washington, in February, and endeavour to persuade members of Congress to go as delegates to the Convention at London.

Messrs. Blanchard and Jackson, were appointed a Committee to ascertain which of the members were willing to proceed on this service, and to appoint them.

The persons thus appointed to go to Washington, are to pay their own expenses, if there are no funds in the treasury of this Committee; but if any funds shall hereafter be in the treasury, unappropriated, they may be reimbursed in part, or in whole, for such expenses.

Voted, That this meeting be adjourned to meet at the office of W. A. White, Treasurer, Tuesday, February 4th, at half-past three o'clock, p. m.

The meeting was then adjourned.

J. P. BLANCHARD, Rec. Sec pro. tem.

THE FOLLOWING IS THE ADDRESS ISSUED BY THE AMERICAN PEACE

SOCIETY.

To the Friends of Peace in the United States.

It is well known to the people of this country, that there have been held, within the last seven or eight years, four General Peace Congresses in the Old World-the first at London in 1843, the next at Brussels in 1848, the third at Paris in 1849, and the

race.

fourth at Frankfort in Germany last summer; each attended by a large number of delegates from different and distant parts of Christendom, and many of them distinguished not only for their talents, learning and philanthropy, but for their high standing and influence in society, church and state; men speaking various languages, living under almost every form of government, and professing a wide diversity of political and religious views, yet all drawn together by their attachment to the cause of peace as an object of common and absorbing interest to the whole human These Congresses have served, as they were designed, to promote fraternal intercourse, and strengthen the bonds of amity, between the people of different countries; to bring the friends of peace in particular into fuller acquaintance with each other in their great work; to devise and agree upon the best means of accomplishing their object permanent peace among all nations; to present and keep this object more prominently before the world, as a grand desideratum of the age; and especially to fix the attention both of people and of rulers on the duty, importance, and feasibility of gradually abating the enormous evils of the present war-system, and finally superseding its alleged necessity, by the adoption of rational, peaceful, Christian substitutes, far more efficacious than the sword for all purposes of international justice, security and peace.

The next of these world-congresses is to be held at London, probably about the middle of the coming July, in connexion with the World's Industrial Exhibition, that grand development of the new and better spirit which has begun to pervade the nations; a demonstration that would have been impossible fifty or even twenty years ago; itself a decisive proof of the progress already made in our cause, one of the fruits of the general peace enjoyed in Europe for some third of a century, and likely to become an important auxiliary in the work of universal and permanent peace. It must of course be an occasion of great interest to all persons of enlarged, philanthropic views, and will doubtless draw together vast multitudes from every continent and wellnigh every country on the globe.

Such an opportunity for the cause of peace has never occurred in the whole history of our race; and, desirous of turning it to the best account, the American Peace Society, in concert with their co-workers in this country and in Europe, would request the friends of peace throughout the United States to aid us in procuring from their respective localities suitable delegates to the proposed Peace Congress in London next July. We address them thus early in order to give ample time for preparation. We should of course prefer the most devoted, thorough-going friends of our cause, more especially judicious, Christian men; but there will be required in delegates only an intelligent, cordial, active interest in the promotion of international peace; and any person of good general character, disposed to co-operate in efforts for the abolition of war as a custom repugnant to Christianity, and hostile to the best interests of mankind, will be welcomed to membership in the Congress. We would invite not only Peace Societies, but all other philanthropic associations, the friends of peace in any city or town, seminaries of learning, and all scientific and literary societies, local churches, and ecclesiastical bodies of every denomination, to send one or more delegates. ourselves to canvass the country for the purpose, we would request our friends, in every part of the land, to inform us, at their earliest convenience, of any suitable persons in their vicinity who may be inclined, or might be induced, to attend as delegates. The persons, selected by any of the bodies we have designated, can receive, if they choose, a commission from our Society; and we request, in any event, the communication of their names to us or to the American Peace Congress Committee, as early, if pos sible, as the first of June, and as much sooner as may be convenient.

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The World's Industrial Exhibition is to be opened in the spring; but, as the fee for admission will for a time be excessively high, and as all minds will be for weeks, perhaps for months, too much engrossed with that unique and magnificent demonstration to allow meanwhile a proper degree of interest in an object like ours, the Peace Congress is to be fixed at a day likely to secure the best attendance, and the largest share of public attention. We shall in due time inform our friends of the precise day of the Congress, not yet settled; but we are doubtless safe in saying now, that it will be in season for dele

gates to start in packets by the middle of June, or in the laststeamer of that month. Past experience proves that no arrangements, satisfactory to all, can be made for taking out the delegates in a body; but we presume that a passage out and back can be had in packets from Boston, New York, or Philadelphia, for one-hundred dollars, perhaps for seventy-five. The former is an offer already made by some lines from the United States, and the latter by lines from Canada; so that the expense of attending the World's Industrial Exhibition and Peace Congress, need not exceed some two-hundred dollars; a very cheap purchase of the advantages to be derived from attendance on such à Convention and Jubilee of the World; a privilege not to be expected by any man more than once in his life.

On behalf of the American Peace Society, and by order of its Executive Committee,

Boston, January, 1851.

CHARLES BROOKS, Chairman.
G. C. BECKWITH, Cor. Secretary.
WM. C. BROWN, Rec. Secretary.

HOW THE GOSPEL STOPS WAR.

THE power of the gospel, when rightly applied for the purpose, to arrest the progress of war, and bring the most fiercely contending belligerents back to peace and amity, is strikingly illustrated in the following sketch :

The Rev. George Thompson, a missionary of the American Missionary Association to Western Africa, stationed at KawMendi, 100 miles south of Sierra Leone, and 50 from the coast, found his efforts to instruct and benefit the people greatly hindered by the war which was raging among the different tribes in the Sherbro country, and which extended far back into the Mendi country. This war had prevailed several years. The consequence was, that several towns were quite depopulated, the cultivation of the soil was almost abandoned, the people suffered sorely from famine, and multitudes were carried to the coast, and sold into slavery. The women and children were often obliged to go out in search of berries and fruits, to keep themselves from starving.

Things went on in this way for more than a year after Mr. Thompson's arrival, the war raging all around the mission. Meanwhile, he had been gaining the confidence of the chiefs and people on both sides. Mr. Raymond, his predecessor, who laboured there some five or six years, had done much to promote a friendly feeling among the natives, always a prominent object with the mission. During the whole time, the mission premises had been considered as neutral ground, it being well understood that the missionary there was a man of peace, and preached a gospel which forbade war, and enjoined on all men to love one another.

At length, Mr. Thompson assembled a large number of the chiefs and principal men at the mission-house, and spent several days in hearing their causes of complaint, and endeavouring to reconcile them to one another. They were all heartily tired of the war; but neither party was inclined to make much concession. However, by dint of arguments, persuasions and presents, he succeeded in bringing them round, so that they agreed on terms of peace. This was a most joyful event to a people who had endured all the horrors of savage warfare for nearly nine years.

But, as there were other tribes at a distance concerned in this war, Mr. Thompson found that, to secure the advantage already gained, and insure a general and permanent peace, it would be necessary for him to visit them. On the 13th March last, therefore, he started on this benevolent errand, taking with him Thomas Bunyan, his interpreter, and five others. They made their way in a canoe up the Little Boom. After following it for some time, they entered a fine large river, as wide as the Ohio or Mississippi. This noble stream is called, in distinction from its tributary, the Big Boom. They followed it as far as Tissana, a large walled town at the head of navigation. Here he was met by Braw, the principal chief on that side of the war, who had heard of the Christian religion through Bunyan, had visited the mission at Kaw-Mendi, and had long desired to have a teacher come to this country.

"The town was full of joy," says Mr. Thompson, "at my arrival; every face beamed with gladness; and from all the country round, where the tidings flew as on the wings of the wind, they flocked to Tissana to get a view of the white man. For days I could do little else but content myself to be put up to public gaze,

shake hands from morning till night, and hear their exclamations of wonder, and their thanks for my coming to their country to teach them."

After a few days spent at Tissana, during which, at Braw's earnest request, Mr. Thompson entered into an agreement to establish a mission there, he started, accompanied by this friendly chief, to visit the tribes on the other side. He passed through great dangers and hardships, from which his health suffered severely; but, after spending about two months among them, he had the happiness of seeing his labours crowned with success. Peace was established; and great were the rejoicings among chiefs and people. "From day to day," says he, "I witness thrilling scenes; warriors meeting and falling on each other's necks; chiefs, who have for years been enemies, now shaking hands, and embracing with the affection of long separated friends; sisters, wives, daughters, long captive, falling into each other's arms with great emotion, sinking on the ground, weeping long and loud before they can be quieted. Now a chief's daughter is seen running to embrace her father's feet, refusing to be torn from her hold; then a wife returns to embrace her husband and children; while the whole town join in the cry of rejoicing. To witness such scenes, day after day, who could help shouting? I will rejoice with them, and praise the Lord."

"About one o'clock, we met in the Barre (Palaver House) again; and two more interesting, enthusiastic, spirited, good-natured peace meetings I never attended. The king's mouth' made a long speech, and thanked me very much-could not thank me enough-spoke again of the feeling which had long existed among them, that no coloured man could stop the war-that unless a white man should come to hold it, it could never be stopped; but God had sent a white man, and they could not deny his word; and added, 'We do not know how to express our joy and thankfulness at your coming.'

It would be easy to show, by many other examples, how the gospel, in right hands, may and will put a stop to war. We might quote the case of Schwartz, in India, and the personal influence in this respect of many other missionaries. We might refer especially to the Sandwich Islands, the only entire community brought in modern times under the control of the gospel by Christian missionaries, and show how it has in their case annihilated the whole war-system, and made it impossible even for professional warriors from ChristendomFrench war-ships-to pick a quarrel with them, or get up anything like a real war.-Advocate of Peace.

CONFESSING A FAULT.

A COLUMN FOR CHILDREN.

"A soft answer turneth away wrath, but grievous words stir up anger."PROV. XV. 1.

"I don't like James Willis, and I will never play with him again as long as I live," said a little boy, warmly, whose name was Edward Lyon.

His father, hearing his son use these words, called him and said, "What has happened, Edward, to cause you to speak so unkindly of your little playmate? I thought you liked James very much."

"So I did, father; but I don't like him now." "And why not now?"

"Because he got angry with me to-day, and struck me." "Struck you! that was very wrong.

"Yes, indeed! he did so; but I struck him again, and so we are quits now."

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When Edward's father heard this, he was very much grieved. Taking his boy upon his knee, he asked him to tell him all about his quarrel with James Willis, and why James had struck him. Why, you see, father," began Edward," he was building a house with the blocks you told us we might have from the building he had got it up very high, when I told him, in fun, that I would knock it down, and so I made believe to throw a great stone at it. Somehow or other, the stone slipped in my hand, and struck his house and knocked it all down. But I did not mean to do it. And then he came up to me with his face as red as scarlet, and struck me with all his might."

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And you struck him back again?"

"No. He stopped a minute, and then began to cry, and went off home."

"Suppose he had struck you again-what would you have done?" "I should have hit him back.'

"Like a wicked boy, as you were then."

"But he was wicked, too, father."

do so.

"Not so wicked as you, I think. In the first place it was wrong in you even to pretend that you were going to knock his house down. Wrong in two ways. First, you told an untruth in saying that you meant to knock it down, when you did not intend to And then you took pleasure in seeing him troubled, lest his house, the building of which gratified him so much, should be wantonly destroyed. Both the feeling and act here were evil. And in indulging the one, and doing the other, you were giving way to sin. And can you wonder that James, after what you had said, believed that you knocked his house down on purpose? You said that you meant to do it, and then did do it. What better evidence could he have had of your wanton and unjustifiable trespass upon his rights? Put yourself in his place, and think whether you would not have felt as angry as he did, and, perhaps, much more so. Carried away by this feeling, he struck you. This was wrong, for he should have asked you if you did it on purpose; and then the affair would have been settled by your confessing you were sorry. But his striking you was not half so bad as your returning the blow. You knew that you had given him cause to feel angry at your conduct, and you ought to have borne the blow as a just punishment for what you had done. Instead of this, you made the matter ten times worse by striking him back. The fact that he did not return your blow, but resisted the impulse he felt to strike you again, shows that he is a much better boy than you are, Edward; for you have declared that had he struck you again, you would have returned the blow; and have fought with him, I doubt not, until one or the other of you had been beaten."

"I am sorry I knocked his house down," said Edward, as soon as his father ceased speaking; and he hung his head and looked ashamed and troubled. "And I was sorry the moment I saw that I had done it."

"Then why did you not tell him so at once?"

"I would, if he had given me time. But he doubled up his fist and hit me before I could speak."

"As I said before, James Willis did wrong in striking you; but as you had provoked him to do so, you ought to have forgiven the blow."

"And so I should, if I had only taken time to think; but it came so suddenly," said Edward, by way of excusing his fault.

"You have had time to think since, my son; and yet you have said that you do not like James, and never intend playing with him again."

"I did not feel right when I said that, father: I was angry with him. But I don't suppose he will ever play with me again, after what has happened."

"Why not? From what you have told me, I guess he is more angry with himself for having struck you."

Oh, if I thought so, I would go at once and ask him to forgive me for knocking his house down, and for having struck him,” said Edward, his eyes filling with tears.

"That ought not to be your reason for asking his forgiveness, Edward. You should go to him and ask his forgiveness because you are conscious of having injured him. You ought not to think anything about what he may think or feel; but go to him and confess your fault, simply because you have acted wrong." "But how do I know that he will take it kindly? "Neither may you think of that, my boy. Think only of the fact that you have injured James, and that simple justice requires of you to repair that injury in the best way you can. And the least you can now do is to go to him, and say you are sorry for what you have done."

For a time pride and shame struggled in the breast of Edward; but at length he made up his mind to do as his father proposed. He not only saw clearly that he had been wrong, but he also felt that he had done wrong. James Willis lived only a little way from his father's house, and thither he turned his steps, though with some reluctance, for he did not know how James would receive him. As he came into the yard of the house where James'

father lived, he saw his little playmate seated at the door, with his face turned away, so that he did not notice him, nor seem to hear the sound of his footsteps, until he was close to him. Then he turned quickly, and Edward saw that he had been weeping. "James," he said, holding out his hand, "I am indeed sorry that I knocked your house down, but I did not mean to do it. And I am still more sorry that I struck you."

"And I have been so sorry that I struck you, that I have cried ever since," replied James, warmly grasping the offered hand of his young friend. "I might have known that you did not mean to knock my house down when you threw the stone-that it was an accident. But I was so angry that I did not know what I was doing. I am so glad you have come. I wanted to see you, and tell you how sorry I was but was afraid you would not forgive me for having struck you."

From that day Edward and James were firmer friends than ever. Each forgave the other heartily, and each blamed himself to the full extent of his error. And besides, each learned to guard against the sudden impulse of angry feelings, that so often sever friends, both young and old. "A soft answer turneth away wrath, but grievous words stir up anger."-Prov. xv. 1.

"Forgive, when injuries around thee roll,

Howe'er thy peace be riven;

Forgive, with all thy heart and soul,
If thou would'st be forgiven."

-Stories for Little Readers.

The following letter appeared in the Western Times, of Feb. 22:THE COST OF THE WAR SYSTEM TO THE PEOPLE of EXETER.

SIR,-I have been informed that some statements of mine on the cost of the War System to the people of Exeter, which were made in the course of a lecture delivered by me in your Athenæum on the 6th instant, have been called in question, and put down to the account of the spirit of exaggeration, in which the public advocates of new theories are prone to indulge. As it is of the greatest importance, that the public should not be misled by the partizans of any theory, whether old or new, but that they should be put in possession of the honest truth, I beg the favour of stating through your valuable publication, the grounds of my calculation, and of confirming the substantial accuracy of my charges against a System which robs industry of its earnings to a most appalling extent.

In my lecture I stated, that taking the taxation of the English people at £2 10s. per head per annum, (which is a low average), the inhabitants of Exeter, supposing the population to be 30,000, would pay annually to the public revenue £75,000. I further remarked that of this large sum, about one-eighth, or £9,375, was all that would be required for the Civil Government, and that the entire remainder, or £65,625 annually, was the contribution of the inhabitants of Exeter to the War System of the country, paid partly for past Wars as interest of the National Debt, and partly in anticipation of future Wars for the support of existing forces. I added also that such a population (30,000), will have paid according to this ratio from 1815 to 1850, that is, during 35 years of almost uninterrupted peace, the astounding sum of more than two millions and a quarter of money for the maintenance of the war system of the land. These statements are disputed :-allow me then to adduce their proof.

From a Parliamentary document issued by the House of Com. mons, it appears that the net revenue of the United Kingdom for the year ending January 5th, 1850, amounted to £52,951,748, (I omit fractions) and the cost of collecting exceeds £4,500,000, making altogether £57,451,748 sterling. Of this amount, Ireland, with a popu lation of more than 8 millions raised but £4,332,460; leaving, as the taxation of Great Britain, £53,119,288.

Now, as my statement affected the British people alone, it is with this large sum, (£53,119,288) raised from their industry, and taken from their resources, that we have to deal; and my point is met by the question, what proportion of this amount is paid (on the average), by each inhabitant of the land.

As the census is not yet taken, I make an approximation by fall ing back upon that of 1841. It then amounted to 18,656,414; in the following proportions:-England and Wales, 16,035,804; Scotland, 2,620,610. Having with me but a "Traveller's" library, I am not able to give the exact amount of the revenue raised in Scotland, but as the duty on spirits is 78. 10d. per gallon in England, and but 3s. 8d. in Scotland, it is evident, as well as from some other circumstances that might be named, that the proportion of taxation paid by the Scotchman, is less than that of the Englishman. I am, therefore, amply borne out in facts, in stating the amount of taxation per

head per annum paid in England, is at least £2 10s, since more than 50 millions of money are paid by fewer than 20 millions of people.

The appropriation of this revenue is the next part of my statement that is in question, and here again I have but to appeal to strong and indisputable facts. The expenses of the Civil Gorernment are indecated by the Civil List, and partly also though by no means definitely by the Consolidated Fund. The Civil List includes the executive and the administration of justice, in other words, the Queen's Household, Royal Family, Salaries, Pensions, (paid by the Crown), and the entire administration of justice the whole cost of which is £3,327,337 per annum. And, moreover, it is to be recollected that several of the items charged in this sum on the Consolidated Fund, such as, Pensions for Navy and Army services, belong properly to the War System. But with all these, and allowing a large margin for additional particulars, I am abundantly warranted in affirming that only one-eighth of the taxation of the land is required for Ciril Government, and that the remaining seren-eighths are expended on the War System. Consequently, the 30,000 inhabitants of Exeter at £2 10s. per head, pay annually in taxation £75,000, and of this amount they pay no more than £9,375 to the Civil Government, but every year of their lives they contribute £65,625 as an acknowledg ment to the worst System that ever disgraced the character of

man.

I regret, sir, that money statements connected with the System should have so much effect with the British people as to rouse inquiry or provoke opposition, while the morality of the case excites so little regard. It confers no honour on a community, that pecuniary considerations will create trouble and stimulate to action, where the slaughter of thousands and a religion disgraced, produce no sorrow and lead to no repentance. I have taken some pains as I have travelled the length and breadth of England, to ascertain how far the Morality and Mercy of the Gospel of the Redeemer are brought to bear on the War System of this Christian Nation, and after diligent, extensive, and most unsectarian inquiry, I am driven to believe that the sarcastic language of Southey, is sadly too true of our religious denominations.

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These are they, O Lord!

Who in thy plain and simple gospel, see

All mysteries, but who find no peace enjoined,

No brotherhood, no wrath denounced on them
Who shed their brother's blood. Blind at noonday
As owls; lynx-eyed in darkness."

It is time, high time, that we aroused from our lethargy, and proved to the world that it possessed one religion, that does not countenance the profession of blood. Our prosperity as a people is contingent on the improvement of our National talents; of these our wealth is the most remarkable and the most precarious. To improve it aright in the World's training for a better condition.-in its knowledge, its virtue, its union,-will be to discharge our trust, to honour our Maker, and to retain our advantages:-but to squander that wealth on a System which sooner or later and in every age has proved the punishment of those that have employed it, is the readiest way imaginable to add the name of England to those of departed days, who knew not the times of their visitation.'

I remain, sir, your obedient servant,
WILLIAM STOKES, of the London Peace Society.

Teignmouth, February 10, 1851.

THE CHRISTIAN LIMITS OF SELF-PROTECTION AND DEFENCE.

To the Editor of the (Herald of Peace.)

In the published proceedings of the Peace Congress at Frankfort, Richard Cobden is reported to have said "talking about internal tranquillity, I am aware we touch on rather delicate ground, as we are told of the necessity of preserving the lives and property of a community. I am glad the question has been introduced because we are bound to see that our views are well understood, as I believe there is not one of the peace party, not even among the Society of Friends who would leave life and property at the mercy of any scoundrel, who would make free with both." R. Cobden's remark seems to be confined to cases of attack, by depraved parties on those who have embraced the peace principle. He does not explain his ideas, as to what degree of resistance a member of the Society of Friends, may consistently adopt under such an emergency, but probably his interpretation would not quite accord with the views of the generality of that fraternity. It is a personal question on which

men of different characters may hold different opinions, one may deem a mode and degree of resistance justifiable and even laudable, which would be repugnant to another, but in all cases it is clear, that the supreme rule for a christian, is the spirit and precepts of the New Testament. All parties are agreed that we are bound to be vigilant in securing ourselves and property from attack, by prudent precautions, by mechanical appliances, and by paying others to guard us during the hours of sleep, as by such precautions we not only benefit ourselves, but lessen the temptation to crime. We are also at liberty to apply to the power of the law and the civil magistrate for protection when needed, Christ himself and his disciples having recognised these powers on several occasions, and the Apostle Paul appealed even to a pagan magistrate when threatened.'"

It must be a matter of individual discretion to determine how far active resistance, may be lawful. To disarm or confine a robber might be unobjectionable, but to resist in a mode which would endanger his life, or inflict on him grievous bodily injury, would be totally inadmissible; nor could such resistance be recommended even on the ground of expediency, since robbers seldom take life unless violently opposed, their aim being plunder. But, the strong line of demarcation, whether in national quarrels, civil disturbance, or privato attack, is, that a christian cannot consistently take life under any circumstances, or even adopt or unite in any measure which would risk such a result; since it would involve the future state of a delinquent at a time when it may be presumed he is peculiarly unprepared for such a change, and it would deprive him of all opportunity for repentance and reformation.

It has been contended that the practical application of these principles would expose those who profess them to be the marked objects of attack, by such men as R. Cobden has referred to, but experience proves otherwise. The true christian relies on the omnipotent arm for safeguard in the discharge of manifested duty, and it does not fail him. The members of the Society of Friends are not more subject to the assaults of depredators than other people, although it is well known, that they do not defend themselves with deadly weapons. Numerous are the instances of remarkable preservation in the midst of danger. It was signally displayed during the Irish Rebellion of 1798, when they refused to take arms for either party, although threatened with death by both; most of them remained at home throughout that dreadful conflict, keeping open their doors, and administering to the wounded and the wants of each when brought before them. This is not referred to by way of eulogy; "they only did that which it was their duty to do," but to exemplify and advocate a great christian principle, the neglect and violation of which have brought incalculable misery on mankind. Happily the public mind is becoming alive to the enormous evils of the war system, and right thinking men and women of all classes and professions, condemn it as inimical in the last degree to social progress, to religion, virtue, prosperity, and happiness.

Plymouth.

W. C.

We should do well to translate this word war into language more intelligible to us. When we pay our army and navy estimates, let us set down so much for killing-so much for maiming -so much for making widows and orphans so much for bringing famine upon a district-so much for corrupting citizens and subjects into spies and traitors-so much for letting loose the demons of fury, rapine, and lust, within the fold of civilised society. We shall know by this means what we have paid our money for ; whether we have made a good bargain, and whether the account is likely to pass-elsewhere. We must take in, too, all those concomitant circumstances which make war, considered as battle, the least part of itself, pars minima sui. We must fix our eyes, not on the hero returning with conquest, nor yet on the gallant officer dying in the bed of honour-the subject of picture and of song-but on the private soldier, forced into the service, exhausted by camp sickness and fatigue; pale, emaciated, crawling to a hospital, with the prospect of life-perhaps a long life-blasted, useless, and suffering. We must think of the uncounted tears of her who weeps alone, because the only being who shared her sentiments is taken from her; no martial music sounds in unison with her feelings; the long day passes, and he returns not. She