Frankfort contains several buildings worthy of note; but the most handsome, and nearly the most modern among them, is

St. Paul's Church.

This noble structure, which is of freestone, was begun in 1788, but during the wars it was relinquished, and for a time converted into a warehouse; from which degradation the return of peace raised it to its present beautiful position and appearance. It is one hundred and thirtytwo feet in length, and one hundred and eight in width, thus forming an oval of elegant proportions. It has also a remarkably fine organ.

This was the edifice appropriated, by the extreme kindness of the Frankfort Lutheran Consistory, to the sittings of the Peace Congress; and while acknowledging the generosity of the above Ecclesiastical body, it detracts nothing from the meed of praise we readily award, to say, that never was that venerated and hallowed building more appropriately employed than by the deliberations of the friends of Universal Peace. That edifice had been the scene of the struggles for German unity and independence; the voice of eloquence, of argument, and pathos, had reverberated round those spacious walls, in defence of rights which only tyranny denied, and an armed despotism sought to suppress:-there the patriot and the philosopher asserted the principles, or illustrated the theories, of the people's right to govern by a responsible executive;-and there, too, had the indignant advocate of the insulted masses hurled defiance at the heads of rulers who maintained their power by the sword, to the utter disregard of justice. But, important and sacred as were these scenes, with all their imposing and attractive appendages of local and German association, they were not superior, if indeed equal, to the gravity, interest, and importance, of the discussions of the Peace Congress. The former were noble struggles to effect a grand Germanic union; the latter aimed to unite the whole world. The one laboured to destroy a particular despotism of local extent, and of partial oppressiveness; the other to undermine the foundation of all despotisms, by destroying the power of the sword. The first were directed to the emancipation from political degradation of some forty millions of the Germanic people; the last laboured to effect the elevation and permanent happiness of the whole race of mankind. Consecrated and hallowed as that building must have become by all that the German people witnessed within its walls, it will now be regarded as doubly so, from the superior gravity of the cause of whose labours it has been so lately the repository. And if the reflecting German entertains a pardonable pride at the associations of that edifice, with the spirited but abortive efforts to obtain his national independence; he will feel no less so at the recollection, that within those sacred walls some of the first men in Europe have advocated the cause of Universal Peace.

No stranger could have walked through the streets of Frankfort on the morning of the 22nd of August, without encountering numerous proofs that something unusual, yet interesting and important, was about to take place. The number of well-dressed, earnest-looking, and serious foreigners that were wending their way to one particular point;—the larger number of equally respectable inhabitants of Frankfort, with grave and venerable personages that had arrived, or were arriving, from other parts of Germany, all making to the same central object of attraction;-and the curiosity of the people generally, considerable bodies of whom had collected in detached crowds at the fitting quarters for observation; must have convinced the most superficial that there was a scene somewhere, not of idle recreation, but of grave and serious import, about to take place. And if he had followed in the wake of those who thronged the way to the open space in

Paul's Platz,

the crowds assembled there, with countenances that betokened the most intense interest, and in all the attitudes into which eager anxiety or curiosity could throw them, would have explained in a moment that in the conspicuous and noble building there, all their interest and expectations centred. Then the thronging about the doors, the urgent and continuous demand for tickets of admission-especially around the entrance of the office of the Frankfort Committee, where the throng was so great, that the pressing through it endangered more than the garments of the present writer;-the disappointed aspect of some countenances, and the more than gratification that spread over others who had been successful in securing the means of entrance, combined to form a scene that those who witnessed it can never forget; and that because it exhibited proofs of the highest degree of interest of which our common humanity is susceptible. On entering the church, the spectator must have been struck with the magnificence, not to say gorgeousness of the spectacle. The beauty of the building; the animation displayed by the gratified numbers who had succeeded in obtaining access to the visitors' seats; the grave and earnest aspect of the delegates, with the marked and varied expression of the English, American, and German physiognomies; and the quiet, but systematic, activity of the officials; presented a scene, to any reflecting beholder, of surpassing interest; one, indeed, never to be forgotten by a mind habituated to connect the future with the present, and to trace out distant consequences from causes passing before the eye. It was a gathering together, an active collection of living principles, whose aspirations and

demands were about to be embodied in eloquent sentiment, which, threading its way through the press, the senate, and the pulpit, is destined to the final subjugation of the world.

We will not occupy our space or detain our readers by a description of the decorations of the church, further than to remark, that they were both beautiful and chaste, and, considering their origin, partook less of an invidious nationality than might have been expected. We now proceed to

THE FIRST DAY'S SITTING.

Shortly after 10 o'clock, the President of the Congress, M. Jaup, lately Prime Minister of Hesse-Darmstadt, took the chair. On the benches more immediately surrounding him might be distinguished the following gentlemen of note:-M. Bonnet, Pastor of the Reformed Church at Frankfort; M. Corménin, Deputy of the National Assembly, Paris; M. Emile de Girardin, Deputy of the National Assembly and editor of La Presse, Paris; M. Visschers, President of the Congress at Brussels, 1848; Dr. Varrentrapp, M.D., Frankfort; Dr. Spiess, M.D., Frankfort; Richard Cobden, Esq., M.P.; Charles Hindley, Esq., M.P.; Elihu Burritt, Esq.; Joseph Sturge, Esq.; Rev. Dr. Hall, Professor in Amherst College, U.S.; Dr. Cleveland, Professor in Philadelphia, U.S.: and among the delegates present we may mention the following from America, in addition to those already mentioned:-From Massachusetts-Rev. Mark Trafton, of Boston, Rev. Dr. Hitchcock, Rev. Mr. Sargent, and John Tappan, Esq.; Maine-Rev. David Thurston; New Hampshire--Hon. John Prentiss; Connecticut-Rev. G. W. Pennington, D.D.; New YorkG. Williams, Esq., Henry Garnet, Esq.; Pennsylvania-Samuel Sartain, Esq.; Kentucky-W. H. G. Butler, Esq., Patrick Jayes, Esq.; Missouri -Rev. Dr. Bullard, Scott, Esq.; Illinois-Z. Eastman, Esq.; Indiana— A. R. Forsyth, Esq.; Michigan-W. H. B. Dowling, Esq., and L. S. Jacoby, Esq., deputed by the American Peace Society: and from Great Britain, besides the celebrated men whose names we have givenLawrence Heyworth, Esq., M.P.; J. B. Smith, Esq., M.P.; G. W. Harrison, Esq., late Mayor of Wakefield; Rev. Dr. Dick; J. W. Smith, Esq., deputed by the Town Council of Sheffield; J. Wilson, Esq., from the Town Council of Leeds; Sir Ralph Pendlebury (Stockport); John Thomas Springthorpe, Esq., late High Sheriff of Nottinghamshire; Rev. John Burnet; Dr. Lee (Hartwell); &c. &c.

The following were appointed officers to the Congress :HERR JAUP, President.

M. J. GACOQUEREL, Jun.,} for France.
Rev. H. RICHARD, for England.
Rev. W. STOKES,

E. BURRITT, Esq.,

Professor CLEVELAND,} for America.

Mr. BURRITT read the names of the American delegates. Mr. RICHARD read the principal names on the English list. M. J. GARNIER read the list of French and Belgian names. Dr. SPIESS read the list of German names; also the names of those on the Frankfort Committee.

The formal business of opening the Congress having been consummated,

The PRESIDENT (Herr Jaup, late Prime Minister of Hesse-Darmstadt), then opened his address by saying, that he accepted with thankfulness the invitation given to him to preside over such an important assembly. In doing so, he would, in the name of his countrymen, welcome them all to attend the first Peace Congress held on the soil of Germany [applause]. Hitherto, Germany had not taken a very active part in this great movement; but the presence of that large assembly proved that it was beginning to feel a deep interest in the question [applause]. He then detailed shortly the history of this movement, from its first origin in England and America, and alluded to the Congresses which had been held in Brussels and Paris, and to the present gathering in the ancient city of Frankfort. Many men, he continued, regarded the great matter to which their attention was about to be drawn as Utopian; but all measures for the progress of the world had been equally received with distrust [applause]. In order to accomplish the ends which they had in view, public opinion must be roused, and made to act upon the governments and the legislatures of the various countries in the world;

and public opinion, as the great moving power, must ultimately prevail. He then read the regulations by which it was proposed that the Congress should be governed; and these having been put to the meeting and agreed to, letters were handed in from persons favourable to the objects of the Congress, but unable to attend in person. One was read from M. Victor Hugo, the President of the Congress last year in Paris.

The first resolution to be submitted was then read in German, French, and English, as follows:

"The Congress of the friends of Universal Peace, assembled at Frankfort-on-the-Maine, the 22nd, 23rd, and 24th August, 1850, acknowledges that, 'recourse to arms being condemned alike by religion, morality, reason, and humanity, it is the duty of all men to adopt measures calculated to abolish war;' and the Congress recommends all its members to labour in their respective countries, by means of a better education of youth, by the pulpit, the pla form, and the press, as well as by other practical methods, to eradicate those hereditary hatreds, and political and commercial prejudices, which have been so generally the cause of disastrous wars."

The Rev. J. BURNET ascended the tribune to speak to the resolution. He was received with loud applause, and proceeded to say that this was not the thunder of war, but the thunder of Peace-a thunder which the most sensitive nerve was always able to bear. Were it the thunder of war, he would rather die amid the blaze of the conflict than lift an arm to give the victory to either party [cheers]. They were assembled, very appropriately, within the walls of the Parliament House of Germany, and to the Municipality of Frankfort were they most deeply indebted [cheers] that there, amid these walls, in a building consecrated to discussion, could they raise the voice and the banner of Peace. He would not deign to refer to the different nations who appeared by their representatives in that Congress; for they really belonged to no nation, because they held out the hand of friendship to all [cheers]. Their mission was related to humanity, to the one great family of man, and not to any one branch of that great family to the prejudice of any other branch. Reason was given to man, not to invent instruments for the destruction of one another, but to adjust misunderstanding by intelligence and wisdom. In uttering such truths, however, they were taunted with only being well-meaning enthusiasts. They were admitted to be well-meaning [a laugh]. No one pretended that war was well-that murder or bloodshed was a good thing. Those who called them enthusiasts did not stop to inquire into the meaning of the word. Enthusiasm was a restless state of mind, preventing the harmonious action of the faculties of our nature. The battle-field was, therefore, the scene of enthusiasm [cheers]. It was the rage of passion, instead of the harmonious development of the mind-a mad, feverish contention. But the assembly he addressed betrayed no symptoms of such a disorder. All the minds before him appeared calm and composed, but at the same time determined to go on until they had given out to the whole world the great doctrine that nations should not fall upon one another with the sword, but adjust their disputes by arbitration [applause]. It was for the accomplishment of this great object that the Congress had been called together, and he showed the impolicy of mixing up the question with political considerations. They had no right to meddle with the agitations of Germany, or seek to settle the politics of Europe; but they came together to submit considerations for Universal Peace and good-will throughout the world. And if for a moment they departed from this great design, well might the Congress be derided by the public press. They came together to establish reason and judgment among men, not to ask nations to settle their quarrels by a fight. The question as to which nation was the strongest, was settled by the collision, but a glance of the eye would have settled this without a bloody field [applause]. But how were the Peacemakers of that Congress to gain their end? By going on until all the capitals of Europe heard their voice, and understood their mission, and the cities of America too [applause]until all ranks of men, ay, even the ranks of the army, were restored to a right state of mind. The school, the pulpit, the platform, and the press, were the machinery for the accomplishment of this mighty purpose, and these were weapons more powerful than cannon. A single round of cheering was better than twenty rounds of cannon, for the cheers came from the human heart [cheers]. He alluded particularly to the power of the press. The press had sometimes spoken against, and sometimes spoken for him; sometimes they mended their speeches, and sometimes they spoiled them; but, altogether, it had done justice to the cause of humanity. In conclusion, he would say that he saw in the very aspect of that assembly, in the character of the house in which they met, in the kind reception received since they left England [loud and prolonged applause]-Ah! those cheers were the expression of English gratitude [continued applause]. No kindness was lost upon England. It was the kind expression of brotherly love. And whilst thanking the German people for such affection, he would take the liberty of thanking them beforehand for what further kindness they anticipated. We accept your bill (said the speaker, turning towards the gallery), and are quite sure of its payment [loud applause].

M. COQUEREL, jun., next addressed the meeting, and gave a faithful, but condensed translation, in French, of Mr. Burnet's speech. He was followed by

The Rev. M. BONNET, minister of the French Protestant Church in Frankfort, who, in a solid and earnest address, explained the nature and objects of the Congress, and urged weighty reasons for uniting in seeking their accomplishment.

war.

M. DE CORMENIN, member of the French National Assembly, and formerly Councillor of State, next ascended the tribune, and was loudly cheered. His thoughtful cast of countenance, beaming with the most solid intellectuality, and his grave and serious deportment, commanded profound attention. He said :-As you kindly permit me to address you on the subject of Peace, should have preferred doing so in the name of the noble and generous nation to which I have the happiness of belonging. Unfortunately this mission has not been committed to me; and while I am addressing this august assembly, I even feel my nationality oozing out, and being fast absorbed into it. We are, in fact, only children of one great family of the human race. We are all brethren. Why shall we not confess, my friends, that the cause of Peace, like all other great causes, has most enterprising detractors? They tell us "we are drugged with Utopia-isms; that we are Utopia-ized." The most indulgent amongst them consider us simply as dreamers; but the majority whisper to one another that we are a very remarkable set of fools and maniacs. Now, if by way of reprisal, I chose to allow misanthropy to get the upper hand of me, I would reply, that the must formidable obstacle to the abolition of war exists in the fact that war is an absurdity, and that by some strange fatality, absurdities have, up to the present day, enjoyed the privilege of governing the world. I will, however, content myself with observing, that if peace is a Utopia, so is religion, so is virtue, so is justice, so is love, so is humanity. Therefore, unless we maintain that religion is infinitely below atheism, virtue below vice, justice beneath iniquity, love inferior to hate, I cannot see how it can be maintained that peace is not better than But if peace be then better than war, I say that it is rational to force peace to put down war. On the other hand, if war be a necessary evil, as some assert, I in turn maintain that there is an evil even yet more necessary than war-I mean death; and that it is not exacting too much to require that each of us shall, to prevent war, make the smallest of those efforts which every one of us is in the habit of making to escape from death. It must be admitted that, up to the present day, the question we are agitating has remained shut up in the seventh heaven of philosophers and moralists; but I for one-though I think it very well where it is-do not the less believe that the day has come when we must call it down from those heights, and compel it to take up its abode upon more accessible elevations. Let it come down, I say, to the vulgar level of positive and daily interests. Why, up to the present moment, the question of war has been brought only before governments which command it; before legislatures which vote for it; before generals who make it; before commercial men who profit by it; and before poets who chant its praises. The time is come, I think, for it to be brought before the masses, who pay for it. The time is come for the tax-payers, who are bled for its support, both in body and in purse, to ask one another, Whether five hundred millions expended in the purchase of plumes and cannon, is not a rather dear and unprofitable bargain? and, Whether they could not, without much difficulty, find some better investment for their money? Ask yourselves this question, my friends, not at the court and in the palace; not in the saloon; not in the Parliament; not even in Peace Congresses; but ask it often, every day-ask it of the artizan in his workshop; of the peasant in his cottage: I need not tell you beforehand what their answer will be. After all, who and what are these artizans, and this peasantry?-are they not truly the people? are they not really the army? and may we not say, in this case, that we have the army on our side? If this is so, I mean to assert that in this question of peace and war, it is no trifle to have "the army" with us. One more objection has been frequently made, which we must not retort. It has been said- and for a long time I myself held the same error-that, in order that the nations may win their liberties, they must have one good war more—a good round one-and have done with it! The last! Why, history demonstrates that no sooner is one war over, so to speak, than you must immediately begin another to finish it; and that foreign wars serve only to increase the hatred of races, and intensify the brutality of the despotism of the sabre; to rivet upon the limbs of liberty the fetters of domestic oppression. My friends, since I witnessed the fall of the greatest warrior of modern times, and beheld our armies, after they had invaded and ravaged your country, fall back upon the limits of their own, like a tempestuous flood, my illusions in favour of glory have been most completely dispelled; and on my way hither, I turned away my eyes from the battle-fields I was obliged to traverse-which have been so many times soaked with the blood of soldiers-men like unto ourselves-and watered with the scalding tears of widows and orphans. In conclusion,and mind, I do not address you thus, my German brethren, out of mere compliment for your hospitality, but from the bottom of my heart I exclaim,-May those frightful and useless combats which have so often deso

takes [loud applause]. That is the course I am prepared to take in my country. I ask the American citizens to do the same thing, and I beg to tell them that if they will do their duty in this respect, they will not find fifteen ships of war sent out to Portugal to obtain a debt of six hundred pounds [cheers]. I am referring now to what is past-I must say a word about the future. I have seen when a government has made a false step, has refused arbitration, and has striven to oppress a weaker power-I have seen one party over whom the power of custom is greater than reason, back up that government; but at the same time I have seen, with infinite satisfaction, that another party, constrained by a sense of justice, and believing that a new spirit, a new principle, has taken birth in England, have risen up and told us that we should have a jury of nations, one-half of them foreigners and the other half of them Englishmen [loud cheers], so that the case may not be prejudged, or reason overcome; and that we may not assert to ourselves the right of settling our own quarrels by an appeal to force, that the weakness of another state may be overcome [cheers]. Both in the House of Commons and in the House of Lords, this party has taken up the question; and I say, let us, at all events, establish this principle, whether other nations seek it or not-let us be the first to offer a measure of justice. Can you find anything better? Is there any one here who would prefer war to arbitration? [No, no.] If not, let us offer justice instead of war; and I repeat, if our rulers will not do so, let us repudiate and overthrow that government. I say, we have progress in England; but I must also add, that I have seen progress since mixing with this assembly. Among the visitors to-day is a stranger of considerable distinction, whom I little expected to meet at a Peace Congress; but it shows these principles are making way, even among the heads of military power. The last great Peace meeting I attended in England I found myself side by side with General Klapka, and now I find myself almost shoulder to shoulder with General Haynau [much excitement and cheering]. Now, I really begin to think, when we see the two leading generals, who were recently opposed to each other, coming to Peace meetings and Peace Congresses-I take this as a sign of progress, of that progress which is safe and sure, when founded upon those principles which have been laid down at the meeting to-day, founded upon the common interests and the common humanity of all living men [cheers]. When I came up the Rhine, I saw what you have all seen, where the two great rivers unite their waters, a turbid stream falling down into the brighter blue of the other, resisting for a time the destruction of its distinguishing characteristic. I thought of the progress of the Peace principle. Although the different nations of Europe have distinctions of religion and of language, of habits and of instincts, yet, like these rivers, they have all one common origin, and one common destiny, and one common Creator. They, therefore, tend to one common end, to one common Father, to the same ocean of eternity [loud cheers]. Yes! I have no doubt that their ultimate destiny is to unite and mingle in one common stream, and to present themselves before the world in one undistinguishable body [loud and prolonged cheering].

M. COQUEREL having given a translation of Mr. Cobden's speech in French, and Dr. Creiznach having done the same in German,

The second Resolution was then put to the meeting, and carried by acclamation; after which the meeting adjourned till next morning, at ten o'clock.

THE SECOND DAY.

The attendance at this day's meetings was, if possible, larger than yesterday's. The avenues of approach were besieged with eager claimants for admission, and the door of the office of the Frankfort Committee was so beset as to prevent ingress or egress by the ordinary way, and a side door was therefore used for this purpose. So great was the anxiety of the crowd to obtain the German tracts which Mr. Stokes was distributing in considerable numbers, that, as a matter of prudence, if not of escape from danger, he was obliged to betake himself to the interior of the building, and to leave the crowd outside. One side of the large square presented a most animating scene; and the increased numbers assembled there were proofs, among many others that Frankfort furnished, of the greatly increased interest felt by its inhabitants in the Congress.

THE SECOND DAY'S SITTING

commenced at ten o'clock. M. Garnier read several letters to the meeting. Mr. RICHARD read interesting letters from the Abbé Deguerry, curé of the Madeleine, at Paris, and from M. Victor Hugo.

M. VISSCHERS read a list of the names of influential persons in Belgium and Holland who adhered to the Congress, and gave some extracts from a number of their letters.

PROFESSOR LAURENT, of Ghent, presented to the Congress, through M. Visschers, a copy of his work on the "History of the Law of Nations and of International Relations," in three volumes; also a number of copies of his essay which gained the prize awarded by the Congress. A great number of letters acknowledged the happy result to be expected from the operations of the body.

The Rev. H. RICHARD, before the assembly proceeded to the order of the day, mentioned that the Baron Von Reden had placed a number of copies of his new statistical work on war at the disposal of the Congress; also various pamphlets and other works which had been presented to the Congress by their authors.

CHARLES HINDLEY, Esq., M.P., proposed the first resolution :

"That the standing armaments with which the governments of Europe menace one another impose intolerable burdens and inflict grievous moral and social evils upon their respective communities: This Congress cannot, therefore, too earnestly call the attention of governments to the necessity of entering upon a system of international disarmament, without prejudice to such measures as may be considered necessary for the maintenance of the security of the citizens and of the internal tranquillity of each state.” The honourable gentleman supported the resolution in an animated and powerful speech, which elicited the applause of the entire assembly.

The REV. RABBI STEIN, of Frankfort, who was received with general applause, said: I thank God that he has permitted me, the teacher of God's oldest revelation, to live to this day to address this large and honourable assembly. Could our persecuted fathers rise from their graves and hear the precious word "Peace," they would extend the hand to this union, formed of all the nations of the earth. Now that the ark of thought is come to rest on the top of the Ararat of our time, will we send out the dove of peace. Germany may at this moment have no voice to raise for the aim for which we strive, but do not believe on that account that her sympathies are not with us. Germany, whose fields have been so often heaped up with the bloody bodies of her children-Germany cheers you on! A people which arms against itself appears to me like a man who plants himself before a mirror and strikes his own reflection. The standing army is perilous to freedom within and without. Not only government, but also representative assemblies, are called to abolish the policy of an armed peace. Peace, at any price, the cabinets demand. Abolition of standing armies, at any price, is the cry of the people. Let the iron of the hills be no more converted into instruments of murder to divide the people, let it be forged into rails for roads which might connect distant countries. Let it be said of this age as it was of Franklin,-" Erifuit cœlo fulmen, sceptumque tyrannis:"-" From heaven he wrested the lightning, from tyrants the sceptre." Never do I look upon the panting engine on the railway, vomiting forth its steam, but I think of the cloudy pillar by day and the fiery pillar by night. I second the resolution with all my heart. M. JOSEPH GARNIER, of Paris, exposed the fallacy of the idea that one nation can be enriched by the spoils of another; the welfare of a people required that prosperity should prevail around it; the riches of one nation became, by commerce, the riches of another. One of the causes why wars were tolerated was the character of the education now given to our youth. The educating influences must be diverted from the work of destruction. The children now saw, on coming from the school where they had been reading of glorious wars, a regiment of soldiers parading through the streets with exciting music, and thus they received lively impressions of military life, as far from the reality of that existence as the latter was prejudicial to the general welfare. The tremendous evils of war ought to be impressed on the young mind as soon as it could receive such impressions. The Scriptures had commanded peace and union, and for that purpose they had met that day to hold out a friendly hand.

The Rev. Dr. BULLARD, of Missouri, U.S., addressed the assembly in a characteristic speech.

M. EMILE DE GIRARDIN again addressed the meeting in an emphatic speech, which elicited loud applause.

GEORGE DAWSON, Esq., of Birmingham, said, they hated the army not only on account of its sorry trade, but because it did no work. He often admired the soldiers, but whenever he saw them he thought what giant works might have been achieved had the military been taught to perform some useful labour with the same regularity and skill as they displayed in their evolutions and exercises. Let them imagine a brigade armed with spades, in order to overcome the sterility of the enemy's ground-what wonders in cultivation and order might be brought to light! Europe's misfortune was her system of diplomacy-that mystery of trickery and concealment. The words of Napoleon must be realized, and our leaders of war become directors of industry, and the people one family.

At the conclusion of this address the Congress adjourned for a brief period. On re-assembling,

Dr. HITCHCOCK, President of Amersham College, United States, ascended the tribune, and said he wished to call attention to one point. He was conversant with many military officers, and he found they did not acknowledge a personal responsibility in the matter of war, but believed themselves to be the machines of State authority. He must say, that men were bound to yield much for the support of good order and government; but how far had a government a right to ask him to go and destroy men? There was a sanctuary into which no man had a right to enter, the sanctuary of his own conscience; and God had said, " Thou shalt not kill." He would not contend here that this prohibited government from taking life; but he would contend that when a government required him to go and destroy his neighbour, he was

bound by the highest claim to ask the reasons for such a thing [cheers]. But military men, he feared, acted upon the principle that they had no right to inquire whether the government commands are right or wrong. The late President of the United States said on his death-bed, "My conscience does not upbraid me." And why said he so? Because he had a military conscience, for this man had engaged in one of the most deplorable of all wars, that with Mexico. Germany was the land of great principles, great sciences, and great deeds; and here was the place to settle great principles in science and morals [cheers]. Glad was he, therefore, to stand up in Germany, and call upon its great people to settle the question of casuistry, "Can a man, in duty to God, implicitly obey a Government in military matters?" And he would not be afraid to trust Germany in this great matter, feeling conscious that the conclusion would be-Every shot that is fired should be fired under a sense of personal responsibility, and in the view of a future judgment.

Mr. COBDEN again ascended the tribune, and was greatly cheered. He said:

The questions which we have met to discuss are not one, but several. We have been talking of war, we are now talking of Peace-that is, what the world insists upon calling peace. I call it not peace, but an armed truce [Hear, hear]. I am not sure that our enormous standing armaments in time of peace are not a greater reflection on, and disgrace to, humanity, than even a state of war; for in a state of war there is this excuse, that a man has wound himself up to a state of moral madness-into a state of furious passion-which offers some excuse if he makes a brute of himself, and resorts to brutal means to gain his end [applause]. But that human beings, with peace upon their lips, should be continually fortifying and increasing their armaments, argues that they have such an opinion of their fellow-men as to suppose that the whole civilized world has little confidence in each other, and have given themselves over to injustice and wrong [cheers]. I say that this latter state of things is more to our dishonour than a state of war itself. War is necessarily self-destructive-it wears itself out; but where is this armed peace to end? ["Hear, hear," and loud cheers.] It is a false struggle to maintain civilization. It is as dangerous to the very existence of a government as it is to the liberty of a people. Why, we are worse than the Red Indians. I see before me a gentleman representing the Indian tribes of America [great cheering]. We have black men here, and red men, and white men; and we are thus, I think, in a fair way of seeing our principles prevail among all races of men. But the friend who comes here from America you will have the opportunity of listening to by-and-bye, and of learning from his talents and accomplishments, how capable that interesting but injured race is of taking part in the intelligent movements of civilized men. It will inspire you with hope for the future for the Aborigines of America, and fill you with sentiments of shame for the wrongs inflicted upon that people [loud cheers]. But what is the custom of the red Indians of America? Why, when they make peace, they bury the hatchet [great cheering]; and it is dug up again only when war begins. But what did he (the Indian chieftain) see in England? He paid a visit to the Arsenal at Woolwich, and there, in a time of peace, he saw all the resources of the most inveterate war-yes, in the thirty-fifth year of peace, the implements and machinery of the most destructive carnage! I say, then, so far as these permanent standing armaments are concerned, we present ourselves before the world as greater savages than even the North American Indian tribes [loud cheers]. Before I came here I prepared myself with some statistics, showing the vast amount of expenditure incurred for these armaments, the number of men engaged in these armaments, and their great resources; but I have had put into my hand a letter addressed to the members of this Congress about these matters, from an authority of the highest character-no other than Baron von Reden, the most eminent statistician of Germany; not a letter of adhesion to this Congress-for he does not think we are sufficiently practical to gain our ends-but a letter very full of figures. We have him here among us as an auditor [loud cheers]; and here is his letter (presenting it), and I find it is such a perfect one, that he takes my own figures out of my hand [laughter]. Now, he says that the number of men employed for military purposes, both by sea and land, in Europe at this moment is no less than four millions. The population of Europe, he calculates, is 267,000,000, of which 128,120,000 are males. Of this number he calculates those between twenty and thirty-three years of age; and taking away those who are unfit for service, one-half of the remainder, the flower of the people, are engaged in warlike purposes. Now, he next says that the average value of a year's labour may be taken at £9, and thus by taking away four millions of men from their ordinary occupation, the loss of produce would be £36,000,000 sterling. To this he adds certain amounts paid in connexion with the saine loss, making a total of £117,150,000, or nearly one-third the amount of all the budgets of the European governments. The expenses of war during the last thirty years have been £243,500,000, and with one-third of this sum might be constructed all the railways which are now in these countries [cheers]. Now, it is sometimes asked of the men of Peace, "What is the use of your assembling at Frankfort, or Paris, or Brussels?" Why, we assemble, in order that we may do what a watchman does at night, when anything goes wrong,-sound the tocsin, and awaken the

sleepers [cheers]. And if we have done nothing more than to elicit from Baron von Reden this valuable letter, I for one shall be most perfectly satisfied [loud cheers]. I think he has very much understated the costs of these armaments-he has put down, for instance, the value of a man's labour, on the average, at £9 per year; and this I think is very much understated [Hear, hear]. The costs to governments are also very much understated; but I would rather see these sums put down under than over the real amount; and, besides, I would rather have the opinion of one who is not a member of the Congress, than of any one who is in it. But though Baron von Reden does not join us, he concludes his letter by admonishing the Governments of Europe concerning the very great danger in which the war system has placed them-danger, let me say, not exactly of that character which might at first be supposed, as if it came from bloodshed. No, it is financial danger [Hear]. We have ourselves in England been continually increasing our armaments since 1821. I had the honour of an interview with the eminent statistician to whom I allude, and he agreed with me, at that interview, in saying that since 1821 the whole of Europe have added more than ever to their military establishments. He agrees with me in my own calculation, that Europe has 500,000 more armed men than at the last war-than during the time that Napoleon was at the highest point of his military renown [Shame, shame]. The Government must be mocking us [loud cheers]. And what have diplomatists been doing? It is just here that I begin to lose my temper. When I think of the way that these diplomatists have been preaching amity and peace-and doing this with the most solemn invocation, beginning with the solemnest oath which can be uttered, "in the name of the Holy Trinity," and at the same moment of time going on to raise new fortifications and multiply military power-I say, when I think of this, I lose my patience with them [applause]. We meet in this place-we have called together this great Congress, to show the diplomatists and the Governments of Europe the results of this state of things. First, they laugh at us as if we were impracticable in all our plans, they taunt us with having no "practical principle." But we point to these facts, and say:-"It is for you, gentlemen, to find plans; or if you do not, to make way for others" [loud cheers]. Now the argument of these would-be practical men is, "We cannot diminish our armaments, because other nations don't." Well, would not diplomacy be well employed if it would exert itself with all governments to agree to mutual disarmament-to come together and say, "We are both augmenting our fortresses, we are mutually adding to our burdens, we are increasing the financial difficulties and troubles of all our states; would it not be wiser, at this time, to agree to a pro rata reduction ?" [cheers.] I would call this common sense-neither impolitic nor Utopian. I could satisfy the most inveterate red-tapist in the world that it has been done, and may be done again. We have a treaty of this kind in existence between England and the United States. After 1815, England and the United States entered into a compact, by which both parties consented to reduce the number of armed vessels each country should respectively keep on the lakes which separate Canada from America. It was carried out, and on Lake Erie only one vessel of each nation was left, and another on Lake Ontario, and another on Lake Michigan; and now mark the result. Instead of these Governments building new armaments, so as to violate this mutual agreement to disarm, from the moment the treaty was signed, all jealousy seemed to have fled [cheers]. And, after some little inquiry into the matter, I have been unable to find anything more left on these lakes which divide the two countries than an old useless vessel belonging to our own nation [laughter]. The fact is, from the moment you sign a treaty of this kind, from that moment virtual disarmament begins. I want to know why something like this should not be attempted by the diplomatists of England. Let them try. I have again and again said, "Let them try, and I will forgive them if they do not succeed." Yes, let them try, and I will pay them as handsomely for their services as they now are paid [laughter]-and if they do not succeed, I will never say a word to their discredit [loud cheers]. I call this generous and liberal treatment. Because they won't do so, we are troubled with mutual jealousies, and we are devoured by taxation, and threatened with bankruptcy, with the change of Governments, with the breaking-up of states. A friend of mine in Paris, M. Bastiat, a Frenchman of much influence and of considerable information, and whose absence from this Congress is to be regretted, has just sent me a letter, and in this letter he uses an expression which I can. not quote without giving the authority. He says, "The ogre war costs as much for his digestion as for his meals" [laughter]. But we are told in certain quarters that the enormous amount of money necessary to keep up armaments is paid, not for protecting a country from foreign invasion, but to preserve internal security. What, then, is the meaning of those gigantic fleets which sail about the seas of Europe? [Hear, hear.) England expends from six to seven millions on these fleets, and France forty-five millions of francs; and this is just that system which creates mutual distrust among nations, and for that reason ought we to call upon diplomatists to set them aside. And if the people find that diplomatists will not do so, then let the people become their own diplomatists [cheers]. But, talking about internal tranquillity, I am aware that we touch upon rather delicate ground, as we are