malignity, take up their abodes in these hearts, and enter into thriving partnership. But the beauty, the genius, the diligence, the wealth, the parentage, the applause, are not among the dividends which these partners make: these remain where they were: and what dividends do they make? Let us suppose that the envious would do what they would; that is, annihilate the envied qualities, and make the possessor too low and contemptible to be more thought of; and let us suppose, too, that the successful adventurers succeed to what is now the first eminence is there no one below to pull them down? They are soon down, and by like means; and thus the demolition would descend, until the seminary became too low a place for even envy to find something to live on. Is not this a fair example of what we continually see in all grades and classes of social life? and is not this passion of envy, earth-born, mischievous, and odious? What is the remedy? Common sense and plain reason point out the remedy. Generally speaking, every member in society is just as much in his own place as he is in his own skin. No one can be in another's place. Every one has his place originally assigned to him, and his natural condition in it, by means over which he had no control, and in making which he had no agency. What he will make out of himself, and of the circumstances in which he finds himself, must depend (after the irresponsible state of infancy is passed) on his own thoughts, motives, and acts. He will find his greatest good, not in repining at the good of others (which he can never make to be his own, and which he cannot destroy without expecting retributive justice as to himself), but in making his own condition as good as he can, consistently with self-respect and peace of mind. That which is given to others, and all that they can lawfully acquire, is righteously their own. All that is given to one's self, and all that he so acquires, is in like manner his own. If he would have no injustice done to him by those who are below him, he must do no injustice to those who are above him. We entertain no doubt that the day will come when youth will be so instructed, and men so selfdisciplined, as to know that the laws of nature, and the laws of society when conformable to these, permit to every person a proper place, enjoin duties in that place, and ensure happiness from the performance of those duties. When that day comes, envy will die. EMULATION. This has been sometimes classed with envy, but they have nothing in common. One would feel like a culprit in being known to be envious, but would rightly take praise to himself in being emulous. This motive to action was given to man for the best possible purposes; and upon the application of it, with justifiable views, and to commendable ends, the advancement of human welfare mainly depends. We understand it to mean, the desire to obtain excellence in laudable pursuits. An envious man may be supposed to say, "Your eminence distresses me; I cannot bear to see you sitting up there; and though I have not the shadow of hope that I can ascend to your place, if you were out of it, nevertheless I must pull you down if I can, and then we shall stand on the same level." An emulous man may be supposed to say, "I admit that you are where you should be. You have raised yourself by fair and just means. I have no desire to disturb you, nor to impede your further progress. You have done me no injustice; on the contrary, you have rendered me the important service of showing me how one may honourably rise. I shall follow your example, and endeavour to place myself by your side. If I can get there, we shall have a fair, good-tempered rivalry, and we may animate and quicken each other's efforts. If you are able to keep always in advance of me, you will make me diligent, and enable me to excel others, if I cannot equa! you." There seems to be no thing immoral in this. In this view, emulation is presented in its true and amiable character. Like every thing else intrusted to man's use, it may be, and often is, perverted. It frequently excites very unworthy feelings. Hence it has been confounded with envy. It is upon the principle of emulation that diligence in schools is commonly founded; and it is in schools that the perversion alluded to is frequently noticed. When several children are required to get and recite the same lesson, there must be a best and a worst among them. That they are such respectively, may depend on natural talent, and upon industry, or on both. It deserves great consideration, whether rewards and punishments are generally understood in their true philosophy. There must be emulation in schools; because there is, and ought to be, that stimulant everywhere in all the vocations of life. If men had not the advantage of comparing themselves with each other, and the promptings to exertion which arise from that comparison, this life would be very still and stupid. But what use is to be made of this principle in schools? is a question of exceeding interest. We express no opinion on this point, because we might not express a sound one, and might thereby do some injury, and very possibly no good in any case. Add to this, that such an inquiry does not come within our general object. PEACE OF MIND. It is believed that most persons pass a large portion of their lives in a state of inquietude and uneasiness. Persons who have no bodily disease are anxious and disturbed. They have some urgent want which cannot be gratified, or which cannot be so without incurring some evil which would be worse than the unsatisfied want. They have the dread of some probable or possible evil to come, and which is the more terrible because of the uncertainty of the manner and of the time in which it may come. Others are uneasy from remembering the past, in which some benefit was not secured, some blunder made, some wrong done to themselves, some vain gratification not obtained. There are many persons who are habitually discontented. They find every thing goes wrong. The weather is bad; their food is not as they would have it; no one does any thing in the right time, or right manner; or that is done which should not be, or that is omitted which should be done. Such persons are always groaning, sighing, or grumbling. They dislike everybody, and everybody dislikes them; and particularly, their abundant advice is disliked, and their manner of giving it. There are other persons who are of unquiet mind for more serious causes. They have recollections which distress or torment them. They are transgressors; perhaps criminally so. They have been able to conceal this, but they live in the fear of disclosure; at any rate, the fact cannot be hidden from themselves. These are frightful instances of the agency of this companion which every man has in his own bosom. There are hours in every one's life, when he must compare the condition in which he is, with that in which he thinks he might have been. To some persons, these are hours of dread and terror. It is believed that this cause of suffering is purely of human origin, and that prevention must be found where the error began. It is the law of the Deity that there shall be such suffering when the guilty mortal makes it necessary to apply that law. There are great differences in the temperament and natural dispositions of persons. It is incredible that the worst-tempered persons would not make a better whole of life, by suppressing their natural propensities, and acquiring a control over themselves, and teaching themselves to look out for what may be pleasant and agreeable, (passing by that which seems ill to them,) instead of doing exactly the reverse. There are cases in life in which it is said, there must be anxiety and inquietude, from the very condition in which men are placed: persons who sustain public offices, persons who are placed in important trusts, persons whose vocations are perilous, those who are pricked by the thorn of political ambition. It is probable that such persons do experience many painful and distressing, emotions, and that they sometimes pay dearly for their distinction; but it is demonstrable that even such persons might have tranquillity, if they had a right frame of mind. There are persons who substitute an aching solicitude for the reasonable discretion and care which is all that is required in the performance of duty. There are others who greatly overvalue the distinctions to which they attain or aspire; and very few of them reflect, that, when they do succeed, they must take success, especially in popular governments, with the accompaniments of having their worthy acts misunderstood and reproached, and their mistaken ones magnified and distorted, to suit the occasions of adversaries. Creator has made his own laws for his own universe, The middle classes, and all who are not dependently poor, have as many and as valuable sources of enjoyment as those have whom they think to be better off than themselves. They can love and be loved; they can be respected and esteemed; they can have the conscious The remedy for this sort of suffering is within every one's power. Those who are poor, and in humble life, if not in extreme poverty, may possess peace of mind; and it is of easier acquisition by these than by those who are involved in the duties of office, and the responsibility of trust, and the embarrassment of wealth. Certainly, without this treasure, no earthly grandeur, no promise of posthumous glory, is worth having or seeking for. If the laws of nature, and the teaching of revelation, were properly known, respected, and obeyed, the common causes of inquietude would hardly be known. For example, what is more common than complaints of the weather? It is too hot or cold, wet or dry. It is not nature that mistakes about the weather, but ourselves. The movements of the winds and the waters, and the temperament of both, proceed on some great and uni-ness of behaving well, where their lot has been cast; versal laws, far beyond human perception. That which is exacted of us to believe is, that it is so, and to adapt Jurselves to it, by our experience and ingenuity. What sort of effect would it produce in the earth, if such things were regulated by human perception of what is best? When one has occasion to put to use a board or stick of timber, which has been in contact with the ground for a certain length of time, he disturbs and puts to flight families, communities, and whole nations of living beings. Man may be much in the same relation as to general laws (not meant for him to comprehend) in which these insects are on the removal of their covering. As to all causes of inquietude arising from the operation of nature's law, in which human agency has no concern, they must be right, although they occasion inconvenience to individuals. As to the acts and omissions of others which affect us, some questions are to be asked and answered before one can rightly judge of these; namely-What is the real cause of our complaint? Did not the first fault arise from some act or omission of our own? Do we judge reasonably of the supposed wrong? Do we make charitable allowance for the misapprehension which may affect the party complained of? When the inquietude arises from our own wayward and peevish disposition, from our own misconduct, negligence, breach of laws, which we could know if we would, the remedy lies in becoming wiser and better, and more reasonable in learning how we may make of life that which it was intended to be, when we use it as we should. Let any reasonable being look back on his own, life, and calmly consider the causes of his own contentions, ill-will, and sufferings, in body and mind; how many of these can he fairly lay to the blame of the Creator's laws, of nature's laws, or those of society, whether positive or implied? If to these he can charge but very few, who but himself is there to take the residue? We have been trying to show what peace of mind is not. We have to show what it is, or rather, in what it is founded. It comes from sober conviction that the they have a far keener zest for natural and reasonable pleasure than those who misuse the bounties of accidental condition; they can have peace of mind when it is denied to those whom they deem more fortunate. If these natural laws, which seem to be so plain and obvious, were understood and respected, the labourers in mind, in all their varied employments, would do diligently, and in the best manner in their power, that which they have undertaken. Men of public trust would do honestly, and with a single view to their trust, that which they have undertaken. Suppose it were all so, and yet troubles and disappointments come. This may be, and yet ther would be peace of mind. If every one were assured tha no act, no omission of his own, makes him suffer, tha he has acted faithfully and honestly, and to the best of his ability, in the circumstances in which he was placed, he would be entitled to have, and by the law of immutable justice, he would have, peace of mind. HAPPINESS. There is no word in our language more commonly used, nor any one less defined or less understood. It is sometimes taken to mean pleasurable sensations derived through the senses; sometimes it means a peculiar state of mind. It may be said that a pirate who has been brought to the most perfect penitence, and who is sensible that he has forfeited his life to the demands of justice, and that he is about to be transferred from the perplexities and sufferings of this state of being to endless felicity, is happy that he is going to be hanged. Perhaps it is easier to tell what happiness is not, than what it is. The most perfect health is not happiness, unless one has something to do. Health and riches do not make one happy. These accidents of being rather excite cravings for enjoyment. They are means, not enda. A rich man can ride but one horse, or sit but in one coach, or eat but one dinner, or wear but one suit of garments, or live but in one house, at a time. Persons in moderate circumstances can do the same. poetry, fiction, the imitative arts, and music, and they thus lose much pleasure which others enjoy: again, there are some in whom nature has implanted, and use cultivated, so strong a predilection for these things, that it becomes a vice. To be very much in society is sure to deteriorate the human character, making it frivolous, and incapacitating it for taking abstract and elevated views: on the other hand, a perfectly solitary life weakens the mind, lays it open to odd fancies and eccentricities, if not to hypochondria, and ends in some instances by altogether throwing it from its balance. The medium is here also found alone salutary. To be excessively gay, in a world where so many evils lurk around our every step, and so many onerous things call for our attention, is wrong: so is it to be always serious, seeing that the world also contains the materials of much happiness. What is proper is, that we should be ready to rejoice and mourn in moderation on the appropriate occasions. Finally, one may feel assured, that if he abide by these moderate desires, and so use his time as to be reasonably busy to some good purpose, and so conduct himself as to he justly entitled to his own approbation, and if he live in the habitual assurance that there is an omnipresent, omniscient, and merciful Judge of moral, accountable, and immortal man, he will certainly be happy. Health, riches, power, and distinction, do not make | ration. Some minds have never awakened to a taste for happiness. Distinction is troublesome: it has more pains than pleasures; it is jealous, envious, and distrustful. Power does not make one happy; it demands the most busy watchfulness to keep it. If lost, its absence is often followed by painful suffering, and the possession of it is always accompanied with the fear of losing it. Riches are sometimes regarded as means of enabling one to live in elegant luxury, and even in voluptuous enjoyment. This is no way to be happy; the appetites soon become satiated; the stomach wears out; the senses are palled; diseases come: the body may be racked on a velvet couch as well as on a straw bed. Is there, then, any such thing as happiness? There must be such a thing, or the laws of nature, which provide for physical intellectual, and moral being, are false and deceitful, and the gift of revelation is a fable. If there be such a thing as happiness, it will be found in that knowledge of and obedience to the laws of nature which make health. It will be found in obeying the propensity to action, to some continuous, useful end; that is, in pursuing reasonably some one of the many vocations in society which tend to secure one's own self-respect and peace of mind, and which tend also to the common good. But there may be disappointments, ill luck, and causes of mortification and sorrow. These, we apprehend, do not seriously disturb any well-regulated mind, when there is a consciousness that no reasonable foresight or prudence would have discerned and prevented the cause. Perfect happiness in this world, it must ever be remembered, is not to be expected: the only happiness that we can really attain, consists in a certain contented tranquillity of mind under all the shocks and changes of this mortal life. There is a point called the happy medium; and this should be an aim in all human arrangements. Be moderate in all things. For example, to take no amusement is bad, for it deprives the mind of needful rest and recreation; so likewise it is bad to be altogether given up to amusement, for then all serious objects are lost sight of. The true plan is to take amusement in mode NOTE. The matter of this sheet has been extracted, with a few slight alterations, from the Moral Class-Book of Mr. William Sullivan, published a few years ago at Boston, in the United States. Of the excellence of purpose, firmness and expressiveness of language, profound observation, and amiable sentiment, displayed in this book, we need hardly speak, after presenting the reader with such ample materials for forming a judgment of his own. It is impossible, however, to sides of the Atlantic-for we never can consider them but as omit the opportunity of congratulating our brethren on both one nation-on the rise, in America, of a body of moral writers, of whom Mr. Sullivan is but a specimen, who seem resolved, as they are unquestionably able, to seek the improvement of their fellow-creatures in all that tends to elevate them in the scale of being. The present sheet contains Mr. Sullivan's view of the Duties which one owes to Himself: another, which fol lows, will comprehend the Duties which one owes to Others as classified in the opening paragraph. PUBLIC AND SOCIAL DUTIES OF LIFE. THE preceding article upon this subject embraced the duties which one owes to himself as a rational being. The present is not less important in its character, being intended to point out those duties which we are required to perform with respect to our various public and domestic relations. We begin with our DUTIES AS SUBJECTS. Every civilized nation is governed by some species of authority, for the purpose of preserving order in society. Some governments are good, others are bad; but it does not fall within our province to point out where the ruling authority is injurious, or where it is most advantageous to the people. According to a law of universal application, every independent nation is understood to have the undoubted right to model its government according to its own fancy, genius, or necessities, provided that, in the execution of its plans, it does not wantonly injure its neighbours. Directing our attention to our own country, with which we have here al ne to do, we find, as soon as reason dawns upon us in youth, that we are members of a great and enlightened community. We find ourselves subject to laws which were framed long before we were born, and that we must act in a manner not to please our own caprice, but according to the arrangements which have been instituted for the benefit of society at large. But if we thus discover that we are trammelled by certain legal restrictions, not very agreeable, perhaps, to the wildness of our untamed nature, we likewise find that we possess a great many compensating privileges. While yet opening our eyes to the light, we enter into the enjoyment of all the transcendent privileges of British subjects, and come within the powerful protection of the laws as fully as the oldest and most honoured in the land. It will be perceived that this is a boon of incalculable value. For us, armies have fought and bled; for us, in past time, hosts of martyrs and patriots have contended; for us, the wisest statesmen and legislators have transacted negotiations securing civil liberty; for us, the people who have gone before us have established a variety of the most excel lent, the most beneficent, institutions. All these things we enjoy without having been put to the smallest trouble. All that we are called on to give in return, as soon as emancipated from the ignorance of childhood, is obedience to the laws. A cheerful obedience to the laws is, therefore, our chief public duty. Possibly some of our laws, from having been framed for a former state of society, or in order to meet particular exigencies, may not now be very judicious in their provisions; yet that forms no solid reason why we should break through them. It is always safer to obey a bad law than to oppose it by violence. Unhappily for some nations, they seem to have no accurate idea of the value of obedience to the laws. When they find themselves aggrieved by oppressive state measures, they are exceedingly apt to break into tumults, and take up arms against the officers of their governments. This is a very short-sighted policy, as the history of all nations proves; for the people are always sure to suffer far more by the coercive measures adopted to restrain them than they would have done by submitting to the evil they originally complained of. It is the boast and glory of Britain-and long may it be so that its people know how to respect the laws, even while they consider them to be injurious, and how to correct them by quiet and orderly procedure. In this lies the import ant secret of their national greatness, their wealth, their public liberty. The advantages arising out of a scrupulous obedience to the laws, consist, in the first place, of social order and quietude, by which the rights of property are respected, commerce and trade permitted to flourish, and the sacred inviolability of the person preserved. The results of turbulence and civil commotion are, poverty, ruin to property, insecurity of the persor, destruction of commerce and trade, and, at length, military oppression and barbarism. Every intelligent man, therefore, in this country, yields not only a bare submission but a becoming respect to the laws, as well as to the various institutions established by their authority. Perfect obedience both to the letter and the spirit of the laws, does not, however, imply that we should not examine whether they are in every respect answerable to the present condition of society, nor keep us from resorting to legal means to have them corrected, or altogether rescinded. The constitution points out how this is to be done. It is illegal to conspire secretly to overthrow the law. All measures calculated to improve our social condition must be conducted openly and honourably. The means put into our hands by the constitution for improving the law are very powerful, if wielded with discretion. The people have the appointment of the men who constitute the most influential branch of the legislature; if they do not appoint individuals who will meet their views with regard to correcting or abolishing laws, they have themselves to blame: the constitution confers upon them a liberty of choice. It besides gives them the right to present petitions to the legislature, either individually or in bodies, praying in respectful terms for the amendment or abolition of any law which is deemed oppressive or antiquated. This right, gives a vast addition to the power of the people. It is of much greater value than one would at first be inclined to suppose, and is infinitely preferable to the use of violence. The right of petition implies the right of meeting publicly to discuss the propriety of petitioning. This practice of meeting together excites the public mind to renewed efforts in the cause it undertakes. The speeches of the orators are circulated and commented upon by the newspapers all over the country. One meeting gives rise to others, men's minds are enlightened and warmed, and the public opinion acquires a degree of moral force, any resistance to which would be useless. It is not without reason, therefore, that the people of this country set so high a value on the right to assemble for the discussion of public affairs, and place it in the first rank of their constitutional prerogatives. Besides yielding obedience to the existing laws, we are under a collateral obligation to be loyal to the sove reign who rules over us. Loyalty is hence another of our chief public duties. There is some difference of opinion with regard to what extent loyalty ought to be carried. It appears to us that this is a simple matter. A power to protect the nation from foreign insult, and to preserve the internal peace of the country, must be lodged somewhere. It is found to be most convenient to lodge it in the hands of one person, under proper restric tions. In Great Britain, as will be seen in our history of that country, it has been placed in the possession of a hereditary prince or king. This person is entitled our ruler or sovereign; we are termed his subjects. Loyalty signifies a fidelity and willingness in serving the king, so that he may be enabled both to protect, the nation from outward harm, and to preserve order in society, through the agency of the laws, or, failing them, through the application of force. Seeing that the sovereign is prevented by the constitution from infringing upon the rights of the subject, through the exercise of his power, it is discovered that loyalty is rewarded in the comfort we enjoy; or, to use another expression, self-interest alone, if no nobler sentiment interfere, would lead us to afford assistance to the king in the execution of his high and important trust. This assistance is demonstrated, not only by personal service, if necessary, but by respect. Loyalty may be greatly enhanced by esteem for the pri vate virtues and conduct of the sovereign. When so influenced, it is certainly both an amiable and commendable feeling, and can never, but in ill-regulated minds, degenerate into servile prostration. In the United States of America, in which the executive is lodged in an elective president, the people call themselves citizens, not subjects; and what we mean by loyalty to the sovereign, they term duty to the commonwealth. It is obvious that there is extremely little essential difference, practically, between these phrases, whatever there may be in feeling. The subjects of Great Britain are as free as any people in the civilized world; much freer, indeed, than the inhabitants of France, who disclaim the appellation of subjects. These explanations are perhaps useful in admonishing us to beware how we vex ourselves about mere words and sounds. Our duty clearly consists in appreciating the numerous blessings we enjoy in our public and private relations, by whatever name these relations may be called. We are each individually fractional parts of a great nation, whose honour we are called on to sustain through good and bad report. Let us remember that individual virtue can alone promote social happiness, and that social happiness and peace form the bias of political independence. No man can be a good and respectable subject or citizen who is a bad son, a bad husband, a bad father, or a bad master. The nation is but a composition of a great many families, knit together by kindred sentiments and mutual wants; and how can it be great, or worthy of esteem, if its component parts exhibit in their constitution the worst of vices? Loyalty to the sovereign leads to a subordinate but important duty. It induces us to respect inferior constituted authorities. All judges, magistrates, or other civil functionaries, stand in the light of representatives of the sovereign. The king cannot be everywhere at once. and he deputes these individuals to attend to the wants of his subjects, and to keep good order in society. To show contempt for any court of justice, or for any magis. trate, is, therefore, equivalent to showing contempt for the king himself, as well as for the laws, and is justly punishable. To show our respect both for the laws and the sovereign, we must respect the decisions of judges and magistrates, and support their due execution by our personal influence. Nevertheless, it is in every one's power, when they feel themselves aggrieved by these decisions, to appeal to higher authorities for redress; such being the only means allowable by the constitution, in opposing the legal power of the established courts of civil and criminal jurisprudence. able a prerogative, it is right and fitting that all young men entering into the busy scenes of life should make themselves well acquainted with the rules which have been established by general consent for the proper con ducting of such assemblages. According to usage, a public meeting is not constituted until a person be appointed to preside, or to "take the chair." Without this ceremony, the meeting is a tumultuary assembly, or a mob. The first movement is, therefore, the appointment of a chairman. This functionary, on taking his seat, is for the time supreme in the meeting. His chief duty is the preservation of order. He allows only one to speak at a time, giving the preference to him who has first caught his eye in the act of rising, and giving every speaker a fair hearing. Another of his chief duties is the preventing of speakers from wandering from the subject under discussion; and if they do, he must remind them to keep to the point. In the execution of these and other duties, he claims the support of the meeting, and all are bound to yield to his reasonable dictates, and help to maintain his authority. In proportion to the firmness, yet mildness of manner, of the chairman, so is the meeting well or ill conducted. A becoming obedience to the laws, and a generous 16spect for the supreme and inferior constituted authorities, produces the agreeable result of good order and peace in society. Every one is not acquainted with the different ramifications of the common and statute law; indeed it would be impossible for us to acquire a correct knowledge of these things unless we devoted a lifetime to the study. This difficulty in acquiring a knowledge of the laws has sometimes given rise to a low sort of jeering at our excellent constitution, and it has been represented as cruel to compel an obedience to laws which few can have an opportunity of learning. But this is a fallacy into which we hope our young readers will not fall. The administration of the common law, such as that which applies to inheritance, debtor and creditor, and civil rights generally, rests with a body of educated men, or lawyers, whose services may, at all times be At some public meetings there is no set plan of opecommanded. Besides, we may, if we please, purchase rations, and a general discussion on the subjects which digests of these laws for our private amusement and in- are brought forward takes place; but at all meetings for struction! The other description of law which is made specific important objects, there is a previous arrangeapplicable to the preservation of the peace of society, ment among a certain number of individuals to bring any one can understand, if we have the ability to know forward particular points to be spoken upon. In this right from wrong. We surely all know that it is illegal case speakers are prepared, and the business assumes the and criminal to steal, to rob, to murder, to break into our form of the proposal and carrying of a set of resolutions, neighbours' houses, or to attack their persons by violence. or motions. The following is the routine of procedure: It can require no reading of acts of Parliament to under--The chairman having stated the object for which the stand this. Common sense here serves us instead of legal knowledge. Our duty in this matter is very easily defined. We must ever bear in mind that one of the principal acts of duty which the constitution enforces, is the abstaining from meddling violently with the persons and property of our fellow-subjects. In this well-regulated realm, the person of every man, woman, and child, is inviolable from private attack. It is a crime almost punishable with the highest penalty of the law, to strike any one, either from an idea that they have injured us, or through the influence of passion or prejudice. If we consider that we have been injured, we must apply to the law or the magisterial authorities for redress. We are only permitted to use physical force when in absolute danger of losing our lives or property by violence, there being then no time to apply to the law for protection. It would be gratifying if these regulations were more generally attended to than they seem to be. There are many young men, who, from what they are pleased to term a love of fun, but which can be no other sentiment than a love of mischief, or gross ignorance, assail the persons of individuals of both sexes, to their great discomfort, and sometimes serious injury. Now it is clearly illegal to do so, and is generally punished by the infliction of severe penalties by the civil magistrates, though seldom marked with that ignominy which it deserves. Inasmuch as it is held that ignorance of the law does not excuse its infraction, so it is reckoned an invalid apology for the commission of crime to say that you were under the influence of intoxication at the time. Drunkenness is very properly esteemed an aggravation, not a palliation of the offence. CONDUCT AT PUBLIC MEETINGS. The right of meeting together publicly to discuss matters connected with our social condition, being so invalu At the same time, we willingly allow that there is room for great improvement in the dissemination of a knowledge of the atatute law, particularly that of a recent date. It is likely that some plan will soon bearried into execution to remedy this defect. VOL II.-104 meeting has been called, an individual steps forward and As much regularity is necessary in respect of opposttion to motions as in their proposal and carrying. The counter-motion of an opponent is called an amendment, which, to be available, must also be seconded. If not seconded, it drops; but the opposer may place his protest on record; that is to say, if the discussion be in a corp ration, or other meeting where books of the minutes |