CHAPTER III.

1773-1775.

Meeting of the House of Burgesses, 1773-Causes of Irritation-Committee of Correspondence appointed-House dissolved by Governor Dunmore-Claims of Virginia and Massachusetts to the Honor of originating Committees of Correspondence-Claims of Revolutionary Precedence between the Colonies-Unjust Imputations on some-Dabney Carr's Character-His Intimacy with Mr. Jefferson, Marriage and Death-His FamilyMeeting of the Burgesses in 1774-Boston Port Bill-Fast Day Proclaimed-House Dissolved-A Convention agreed on-Proceedings of Albemarle Freeholders-Their Remarkable Resolutions drawn by Jefferson-Hanover Resolutions-Fairfax Resolutions-Convention Meets-Delegates to Congress Jefferson's proposed InstructionsTheir Fate Their Novel Positions, and Extraordinary Character-Jefferson placed in a Bill of Attainder-Instructions adopted by the Convention-Meeting of CongressThe Virginia Committees of Safety-Jefferson Chairman of the Albemarle Committee -The Second Convention of Virginia-Henry's Proposition to arm the Colony-His Eloquence-Richard H. Lee Jefferson chosen P. Randolph's Substitute to CongressLogan's Speech-Public Powder abstracted by the Governor's Orders-Albemarle Volunteers ask Washington's Advice-Disturbances-Henry advances with a Military Force on Williamsburg-The Governor succumbs-Lord North's Conciliatory Proposition Jefferson succeeds Randolph in Congress-Remains to draw up the Answer of Virginia-Its Contents-Final Rupture between Lord Dunmore and the House-Overthrow of Royal Government in Virginia.

WHEN the Virginia Assembly met in the spring of 1773, an event had occurred to rouse them from their torpor. The intolerable insolence of an armed government vessel (the Gaspee), stationed in Narraganset Bay to enforce the revenue laws, had led to its being decoyed aground and burned.' This called out an Act of Parliament "for the better securing his Majesty's dockyards, magazines, ships, ammunition, and stores," by which the destruction of the least thing appertaining to the British navy, down, as the historian Gordon remarks, to the "button of a mariner's coat, the oar of a cutter's boat, or the head of a

1 June 10th, 1772.

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REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS IN VIRGINIA.

[CHAP. III. cask belonging to the fleet," was made punishable by death; and the accused might, at the pleasure of his Majesty, be transported to any county in England for trial. In December (1772), a commission arrived from England, appointing several colonial officers whose servility to government could be relied on, as a Court of Inquiry in the Gaspee affair, and intrusted with the power of deciding whether those whom they determined should be placed on trial should be transported to England.

We have seen that the claim of this power of deportation for trial, under an ancient statute, drew forth the indignant remonstrances of the Virginia House of Burgesses in 1769; and they now met incensed by the new statutory enactment and the attempted practical enforcement of a principle which, if allowed to go peaceably into execution, all foresaw would soon be extended far enough to place the liberty and life of every prominent colonist who should dare to render himself obnoxious to government, in the hands of packed and prejudiced foreign tribunals, and "judges predetermined to condemn." But, as usual, there was a difference between the old and young Whigs, in the House of Burgesses, as to the proper measures of opposition to be adopted. Mr. Jefferson (in his Memoir) thus describes the action of the latter:

"Not thinking our old and leading members up to the point of forwardness and zeal which the times required, Mr. Henry, Richard Henry Lee, Francis L. Lee, Mr. Carr, and myself agreed to meet in the evening, in a private room of the Raleigh, to consult on the state of things. There may have been a member or two more whom I do not recollect. We were all sensible that the most urgent of all measures was that of coming to an understanding with all the other colonies, to consider the British claims as a common cause to all, and to produce a unity of action: and, for this purpose, that a Committee of Correspondence in each colony would be the best instrument for intercommunication: and that their first measure would probably be, to propose a meeting of deputies from every colony, at some central place, who should be charged with the direction of the measures which should be taken by all. We, therefore, drew up the resolutions, which may be seen in Wirt, page 87.*

These resolutions, after premising that the minds of his Majesty's faithful subjects in the Colonies were disturbed by

1 Gordon's History of the Independence, vol. i. p. 324.

Holmes' Annals of America, vol. ii. p. 176.

Page 105 in the 7th (M'Elrath, Bangs & Co.) edition, which we use.

CHAP. III.]

RESOLUTIONS OF THE BURGESSES.

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rumors of proceedings "tending to deprive them of their ancient, legal, and constitutional rights," proceed to designate "a Standing Committee of Correspondence and Inquiry," to obtain the earliest and most authentic intelligence of all proceedings in England in regard to the Colonies; "to keep up and maintain a correspondence and communication with the sister colonies, respecting those important considerations," and report from time to time to the House; and specially instructing the Committee "without delay, to inform themselves particularly of the principles and authority on which was constituted a Court of Inquiry, said to have been lately held in Rhode Island, with powers to transport persons accused of offences committed in America, to places beyond the seas, to be tried." The designated Committee consisted of Peyton Randolph (the Speaker), Robert C. Nicholas, Richard H. Lee, Benjamin Harrison, Edmund Pendleton, Patrick Henry, Dudley Digges, Dabney Carr, Archibald Cary, and Thomas Jefferson. To Mr. Jefferson (who, it might therefore be inferred, drafted or suggested them) it was proposed to move the resolutions in the House; but he "urged that it should be done by Mr. Carr, his friend and brother-in-law, then a new member, to whom he wished an opportunity should be given of making known to the House his great worth and talents." 1

Mr. Carr accordingly moved them on the 12th of March, in a speech remarkable for its force and eloquence, and was supported by Mr. Henry and Mr. R. H. Lee. There was nothing in the tenor of the resolutions that the moderate party could very well object to, and they passed without dissent. The Governor, the Earl of Dunmore-who had succeeded Lord Botetourt in 1772-immediately dissolved the House. The Committee of Correspondence met the next day, and prepared a circular to the other Colonies containing a copy of the resolu tions, with a request that they might be laid before their assemblies, "and requesting them to appoint some person or persons of their respective bodies to communicate from time to time with the said [Virginia] Committee."

Mr. Jefferson persistently claimed for Virginia the honor of originating the Committees of Correspondence between the legis

1 Memoir.

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ORIGIN OF COMMITTEES ON CORRESPONDENCE. [CHAP. III.

1

latures of the different Colonies; but later developments seem to render it certain that the Massachusetts Assembly appointed a committee for the same object, in 1770. This last body, however, does not appear to have acted-no record of any proceedings by it, we believe, is preserved-and, indeed, Bradford, the historian of Massachusetts, expressly declares, "it does not appear that this committee wrote to the other Colonies, as a former letter to them from Massachusetts had been so severely censured in England." The fact that it took so long a time to prove the existence of such a committee in Massachusetts, and that it was discredited by Jefferson, Wirt, and so many other either actors or investigators in Revolutionary history, shows at least that its appointment was not contemporaneously made known in the other Colonies. Nor is it claimed that the Massachusetts resolution requested the other Colonies to appoint similar committees though it authorized correspondence with those "they had or might appoint." The distinction may look like a narrow one, but, on consideration, it will be found important. It appears, therefore, that Virginia acted spontaneously in this matter that she went farthest-that she first actually organized and put into practical execution a measure which soon led to the call of a federative Congress. The Massachusetts Committee halted on the threshold by reason of English censures; on the other hand, Jefferson always declared that he and his co-actors saw that "the first measure "of their committee "would probably be to propose a meeting of deputies from every Colony”—and they consequently were appointed with that for their primary object. Under all these circumstances, every one will decide for himself where the honor of the measure should principally rest.

But, in truth, there is little need for attempting to settle the question nicely. These, as well as some other of the Colonies, have no occasion to be tenacious about an occasional stray leaf of the broad harvests of their Revolutionary laurels. We will not aver that all the Colonies acted exactly alike in the opening of that struggle. But it is safe to say, that the Whigs in all of them felt substantially alike—and that the overt acts of resistance were generally first made, when the practical encroachment

' History of Massachusetts from 1764 to 1775, pp. 237, 276. • Memoir, et al.

CHAP. III.] OUR GLORY AND SHAME CONTINENTAL.

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was first attempted, and there was any actual capacity for resistance. It was for this reason, that the curtain of civil war first rose in Massachusetts, and next in Virginia. They were first attacked, as the oldest and strongest of the American brotherhood-and in the expectation, doubtless, that their over throw or submission would be decisive of the result. And like brave older brothers, they advanced in front of the younger to the stern conflict. We confess we sicken at arguments and arrays of facts to show where the credit of originating the idea of resisting English oppression belongs! It originated in every manly Whig's bosom (as resistance to oppression has originated in every manly bosom from the foundation of the world)-it making not a particle of difference of what precise colony, or spot of earth in the thirteen Colonies, he chanced to be an inhabitant. When the time came and the cry of war was sounded, the true-hearted went forth from the ocean border to the Alleghanies-amidst the green hills and valleys of New Englandon the "bloody and debatable ground of the Mohawk”—from the shores of the Delaware and Chesapeake-from the princely seats on the James-from the Cape Fear and the Santee-from the sands of Georgia! And we sicken no less to hear opprobrium thrown on this Colony or that, because in that strife some of its people sided with the mother country, and thus weakened its means of resistance. If the "Tories" (loyalists) committed any crime in this (a question we may by and by ask) was it the crime of the Whigs? Nay, did not the latter require the more courage to take side against enemies without and enemies within? And is it not the silliest kind of child's play to personify a Colony or a subsequent State-that is, a certain number of square miles of insensate earth-and talk about its being disgraced, or its subsequent inhabitants being disgraced-by its having produced men who thought differently from the majority of their countrymen on a momentous occasion. If this sort of clan pride and clan prejudice must ever prevail, let it, at least, spare the heroic age of the Revolution-let its foolish vaunts and more foolish recriminations postdate the glory and the shame which were, as our forefathers called their congresses and their armies, purely "continental."

We have indulged in this strain of remark to intimate, in advance, that these pages will deal with men and their actions,

VOL. I.-6