difcern what is peculiar to each: it requires that the author should divest himself of every prepoffeffion, and that he should know where to praife, and where to cenfure. Every country has its advantages and difadvantages; and in fome, these are so nicely blended that it may be difficult to difcover in which either of these predominate; the inconveniences in the one, being counterbalanced by conveniences of which others are deftitute. And where climate, government, or manners are the moft inaufpicious, oppreffive, or difgufting to a stranger, the evils are not felt or perceived by the natives. In the former cafe, the difficulty of inveftigation arifes from the nature of the fubject itself; and in the latter from those involuntary and almoft pardonable prepoffeffions, which require the strongest efforts of the human mind to conquer them.

Dr. W. feems to poffefs no inconfiderable portion of thele requifites. He is well known among us, as a man of learning and abilities. He has refided almost twenty years in the metropolis of England, and has employed much of the time in making obfervations, and in collecting copious materials for the work before us. Where the facts are of fuch a nature that they could not fall under his own immediate obfervation, he affures us that he has been careful to obtain information from the moft authentic fources; and his remarks, in general, are such as fhew him to be a philofophic obferver of mankind.

The fubjects treated in thefe volumes, fome of which are examined with a critical minuteness, and others give rife to many pertinent remarks, are, The Form of Government-Power of the King-Houfe of Peers, and different Orders of Nobility-House of Commons-The People-Land and Naval Force- National Expenditures, Debts, and Refources-The Poor-Trade and Manufacturescontraband Trade. Thefe compofe the first volume. The fecond treats of The Laws and Courts of Justice-London-Character of the English-Directions to Strangers. The third is devoted to the State of Religion in Great Britain, and contains ftrictures upon the Epifcopal Church-Methodifm-Toleration-Diffenters, under which title are comprehended, Prefbyterians, Independents, Reman Catholics, Quakers, and Jews-The Church of Scotland, with the Seceders and Nonjurors-Religious Opinions, from the extremes of Antinomianifm to Atheism; nor is the State of the Foreign Churches in London, omitted.

Dr. W. profeffedly intends this work for his own countrymen; being encouraged by the favourable reception of a smaller treatise upon England, publifhed fome years ago. He acknowledges, that, in his attempts to give a more accurate, circumftantial, and impartial account of this celebrated island than his predeceffors have given, he is actuated by the defire of moderating, in fome degree, the indifcriminate and enthufiaftic

admiration

admiration of it, which prevails fo much in Germany. He fays, that upon his first arrival, he was under the influence of all those prejudices which flattering defcriptions had excited. But, after a more intimate acquaintance, and deeper researches, thefe prejudices were removed. England (fays he) ftill remains, in my opinion, one of the fit, if not the very first nation upon the globe; but it is time that the extravagant notions entertained by my countrymen fhould be somewhat reftrained. I obferve (fays he) much good; I fee many beauties; but by no means fo much and fo many as I had expected. I have difcovered, and I feel many advantages poffeffed by England over my native country; but I have alfo learned that Germany has feveral advantages unknown to England.”

As we may naturally fuppofe that the generality of our readers are well acquainted with the principal facts contained in thefe volumes, we fhall chiefly confine our attention to fuch as, from their excellencies or defects, have given our Author occafion to notice them with approbation or cenfure. Thus may we be taught by a foreigner to judge with impartiality of our own excellencies and failings, where his animadverfions appear juft, and where his ardent defire to moderate the too favourable prepoffeffions of his countrymen do not feem to have an undue influence on his remarks.

The boafted and envied liberty of the people, our Author afcribes (in the view he gives of the British conftitution) to their being their own legiflators, by means of their representatives in parliament, and to their being judged by their peers in every criminal procefs. The English (fays he) confider the grant of Magna Charta, in 1215, the Trial by Juries, and the Habeas Corpus act, as the grand pillars of their liberty: which privileges were confirmed and rendered perpetual by grants under fubfequent reigns. These are our advantages; but he confiders the power of the crown, in fome refpects, as more than a counterpoife, as an influence always acting in oppofition to and endangering the liberties of the people. Notwithstanding the moarchy is limited, and the power of the King is in fome refpects rerained, yet he enjoys many privileges, which give him great influ ence in the state. His perfon is deemed facred; the laws take no cognisance of his actions. It is an allowed maxim, that the King can do no wrong. The minifters are anfwerable for every violation of the laws, though committed by royal authority. The King has the right of declaring war, concluding peace, forming leagues, appointing ambaffadors. He is the head of the church, and has the moft lucrative and honourable benefices in his gift.-All appointments in the army and navy are at his difpofal.-He can affemble or diffolve the Parliament at will-and his confent is neceffary to render every parliamentary act valid.-He can create peers of the realm at pleasure. The power of placing his fervants at the head of the Ex

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chequer,

chequer, in which the annual produce of the taxes, &c. is depofited, alfo increases his influence-In every process the King pays no cofts, though he fhould lofe the fuit; and as to private injuries, if any perfon bas, in point of property, a juft demand upon the King, he must petition him in his court of Chancery, while his Chancellor will adminifter right as a matter of grace, though not upon compulfion.'

On this Mr. W. ob erves, that the Germans, whom Englishmen proudly regard as flaves, poffefs in fuch cafes more freedom. Their laws enable them to force princes to adminifter justice, if they are not disposed to it of themselves. It is true, the English laws fet the fovereign at a distance from every perfonal attack; they fuppofe that he cannot do wrong, and confequently that he cannot commit a private injury: but fince his minifters are amenable to the laws, the rights of the people are equally fecure, while the dignity of the crown is preferved. For, as a King cannot mifufe his power without the advice of evil counsellors, and the affiftance of wicked minifters, these men may be examined and punifhed. The conftitution has therefore provided, by means of indictments and parliamentary impeachments, that no man fhall dare to affift the crown in contradiction to the laws of the land. May we not add to this comment †, that the liberties of the people are more fecure, by this wife courtesy of our laws, than if the King was perfonally refponfible? The contest between an injured individual and an oppreffive minifter being more equal than between a fubject and his fovereign, the methods of redrefs will meet with proportionally fewer obftacles. Whether the terms of the law call it grace, or compulfion, right is ftill adminiftered. Can, this be with equal boldnets afferted, in countries where the feudal fyftem bas not totally loft its influence; where the prince and his fubjects are confidered as of a different fpecies, and where every intermediate perfon between the injured and his oppreffor, instead of being ready conductors to redrefs, generally find it their interest to increafe the injury by neglect, chicanery, and infult?

The Author proceeds to give his countrymen a very circumflantial account of the Peers of the realm, Privileges of the Houfe of Lords,-different ranks of Nobility, Orders of Knighthood; and intermixes with his narrative many pertinent remarks. He obferves, that it reflects no fmall honour on the nobility, that fuch numbers have diftinguifhed themfelves for their learning, and have fhone as authors, and friends to the Mufes. The names of Lords Bacon, Shaftesbury, Bolingbroke, Burlington, Pembroke, Orrery, Littleton, Pomfret, Chefterfield, and others, are well known in the literary and philofophic world. But he laments that the prefent day does not appear fo favourable to fcience. The modern education of the young nobility is perhaps more expenfive than formerly. Travelling is now the mode, and they travel in multitudes; but very

* Nor does he receive cofts when he gains the fuit, † Blackstone.

few

few give promifing indications of fhining talents, or great abilities. They feem more attentive to the external ornament, than to the internal furniture, of their heads; spend their time in drefs, public exhibitions, hunting, races, and other amusements; and few feek to do honour to their country, or to their elevated station, by encouraging ufeful arts and sciences.'

We fhall leave those whom it may moft concern to judge of the truth of these reflections; though we are much inclined to think that the exceptions are more numerous than the cenfure seems to admit.

That the younger fons of a noble family fhould engage in commerce, and enrich themselves by traffic, while in other countries they languifh under pride and poverty, is defervedly noted with the higheft approbation. Bufinefs is frequently tranfacted at Change with a merchant whofe rank is not known, the furnames of his father and elder brother being fupplanted by the titles they bear as bords and Earls. By the collateral branches being thus blended with the people at large, it fometimes happens that a man, born in obfcurity, and fubfifting by manual labour, rifes to wealth and dignity. Not long fince a poor perfon, who plyed a ferry-boat between Portsmouth and the Ifle of Wight, became an Irish Peer: and if the prefent Earl of Chesterfield fhould die without iffue, a fhopkeeper at Bath or Bristol will fucceed to his titles.'

Under the article of People, Dr. W. takes occafion to give a particular account of the House of Commons, the rules and forms obferved in paffing an Act of Parliament, the freedom of debates, &c. If ever an opportunity prefented itself of rivalling the eloquence of Greece and Rome, it is here. A Member of Parliament enjoys the utmoft freedom of fpeech; and I muft acknowledge, that I have often heard fpeeches delivered, both in the Upper and Lower Houfe, that would reflect no difhonour on a Cicero or a Demosthenes. The debates, in either House, excite, in a stranger, who has a competent knowledge of the language, the moft agreeable aftonishment; when he is witnefs to that freedom with which each member delivers his opinion, and with what forcible terms he delineates the influence of the Court militating against the liberties of the People. But when at length the question is called for, and they proceed to vote, the franger learns that the whole conteft was little more than a form, a kind of mock battle, and that the iffue of the debates was predetermined before the members were affembled.'

Obfervations on the British Conftitution form a separate article. Dr. W. does not appear fo warm an admirer of the Bri tish Conftitution as moft other learned foreigners who have written on the fubject. On the contrary, he expatiates on its manifold defects. He is apprehenfive that the power given to the Crown, and its poffeffing fuch various means of corruption, connected with the partial reprefentation of the People in the House of Commons, and the long duration of Parliament, may, under an ambitious prince, lead to defpotism.

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Having made fome pertinent remarks on the disadvantages attending the Monarchical, Ariftocratic, and Democratic forms of government, he obferves, that, as they are all fo very imperfect, it is eafy to imagine that a fourth, built with fuch imperfect materials, cannot be free from imperfections. This is the cafe with the British conftitution; it is a medley of all the others. The fabric may poffibly be confidered as a master-piece of human wisdom, and in this light the English in general confider it; yet manifold are the faults difcoverable in it. The inceffant contests, and permanent par ties, that keep the nation in a fpecies of ferment, and the revolutions that have taken place, are indubitable proofs that a conftitution, compofed of fuch jarring elements, contains within itself the prin ciples of commotion. Before I had acquired a more accurate know. ledge of affairs, I was ufed to think, that if the maxims of the conftitution were strictly adhered to, the People might be happy, and the King both beloved and honoured. Yet as often as I expreffed thefe thoughts, the anfwer was invariably,-this is imposible; England mu be governed by parties. Indeed, confidering the form of government, it is fcarcely poffible to do without them. Power and authority are things which have too much influence upon mankind; and the defire of limiting the power of fovereigns is as strong as their eagerness to rule uncontrouled. The King's power is in itself, according to the conftitution, very great; and although the power apd privileges of Parliament, particularly of the Lower Houfe, appear great, yet the influence of the Crown will always be fo prevalent as to fecure a ma jority of votes; and thus it may become in fact the chief legiflative power, acting uncontrouled under the appearance of a perfect conformity to the principles of the conftitution. It is therefore evident, that, if the King did not enjoy an influence that both furnishes the means, and prompts the defire to corrupt; and if there was not an Upper Houfe perpetually inclining to the fide of the King, the Houfe of Commons would be more patriotic, and the will of the community at large would be the grand object of every motion and of every law.'

The truth of fome of the above pofitions will be readily allowed; but others will be litigated by almoft every Englishman. That feveral millions of people cannot be fully and properly represented by a Parliament, chosen by merely 260,000 votes, of which fome thousands, from their offices, are at the beck of the Court; and fome thousands more liable to be fe duced by the most unworthy candidates, who generally brib the higheft: and that an ambitious King, wicked Miniftry, and venal Parliament, may endanger our liberties, are truths which few will deny; and they prove that the conftitution is not perfect but it is ftill capable of fome amendment; which is th cafe with all human affairs. But the queftion is, whether, with all thefe difadvantages, the form of government be not upon th whole better than that of any other hitherto established? Ca the vices of one man, or of a few individuals, fo fpeedily pro duce the moft fatal éffects? Muft there not be a general depravit