Lord Glengall then withdrew his motion.

The next day, although, being Saturday, it was out of course for the House of Commons to sit, Lord John Russell, pursuant to his notice above stated, brought forward his motion for a Bill to suspend the operation of the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland. He commenced his address by assuring the House of the deep concern which he felt in having to propose to it the suspension, for a limited time, of the constitutional liberties of Ireland. In proposing it, he undertook to prove three things-first, that the present state of Ireland was fraught with evil, and that we were upon the eve of a formidable outbreak, if it were not suppressed in time; secondly, that there were means provided by the leaders of the contemplated insurrection to produce great injury and danger unless some measure were adopted to counteract them; and, thirdly, that the measure which he was about to propose was that particular remedy which appeared to be the best to be adopted in the present calamitous condition of Ireland. He then traced the history of the agitation for the Repeal of the Union from its commencement under Mr. O'Connell, who declared that no political change was worth the shedding of one single drop of blood, down to the present period, when a new faction had started into existence, which at first covertly and ambiguously, but at last openly and explicitly, had in view the total separation of Ireland from the dominions of the United Kingdom. The means which they proposed for effecting that object were distinguished by the appellation of physical force, which evidently meant rebellion

against the Crown of this kingdom. Whilst England and Scotland had been contributing their private and public funds to the mitigation of the famine which had recently ravaged Ireland, all that the confederates and their leaders had contributed was seditious harangues, inflammatory appeals to the passions, and misrepresentations of the contributions and motives of the British people. Ireland was slowly recovering from that great calamity, when the events of February last occurred in Paris, giving encouragement to all who believed that the force and the authority of this empire might be overthrown by open insurrection. A deputation, comprising among its members Mr. S. O'Brien, was sent from Ireland to Paris for the purpose of asking assistance from France to the contemplated Irish insurrection. Although that attempt failed, the project went on, and there was little or no disguise any further attempted as to the intentions of the Irish Confederation. His Lordship then adverted to the seditious articles published in the United Irishman, for which Mr. Mitchell was then suffering transportation, and to the more recent articles in the Irish Felon, to show that this Confederation intended, first, to abolish the Imperial Government of these islands; next, to take away from the Queen all authority over Ireland; and, lastly, to abolish at once all the existing rights of property. accomplish these objects it was proposed that the people should arm themselves, and should thus be ready to encounter any force which the Government might have at its disposal. It was felt, however, in Ireland, and by none more than the Roman Catholic

To

clergy, that if the Confederation should succeed in its objects, there would be an end of all respect for religion, and that the rule of brute force would be established. In order to neutralize the alarm thus felt by the clergy, the leaders of the intended Irish republic, after disclaiming all intentions of pillage and massacre, and of overthrowing religion, issued a resolution in which they frankly avowed that their object was not merely to repeal the Legislative Union, but to overthrow the power and authority of this country altogether, and the sway of that Government which they were bound and had sworn to obey. He then came to his second proposition, which was, that there were formidable means preparing for a rebellion against the constitutional authorities of the country. All the accounts which he had recently received from Ireland concurred in the conclusion, that the organization proposed by this Confederation was of a formidable character, was rapidly extending, and that in parts of the country the clubs and associations established by it were already ripe for insurrection. It was, however, chiefly within the last month that their proceedings had become more formidable and dangerous. He then read extracts from the despatches of Lord Clarendon, stating that though the clubs might not contemplate an outbreak immediately, Government must determine before Parliament was up, whether it would seek for fresh powers, or would permit the organization for an immediate civil war to proceed unmolested. The accounts received through the Constabulary Reports corresponded with the views of Lord Clarendon. He then re

ferred to the establishment of numerous clubs, during the last two months, at Carrick-on-Suir, Meath, Cork, Waterford, and other places; and showed that the titles of several of them had been taken from parties who had rendered themselves conspicuous in the rebellion of 1798, with the express intention of encouraging the members to imitate their traitorous

example. He particularly referred to the military organization of the clubs of Cork, which had been reviewed by Mr. S. O'Brien, to the salutation which had there been addressed to that aspiring traitor as King of Munster, and to his mock modesty in refusing the appellation by saying, "Not yet, not yet." He also adverted to the language used by Meagher on his arrest at Waterford, and on his return some time afterwards from Slievannon, where he was met by some 10,000 or 15,000 people, who avowed that, as all property had originally belonged to the people, a division of it now would only be a resumption of their own by the people. He alluded to the recent events at Carrick-onSuir, where the peasantry had assembled, armed with muskets and scythes, and other formidable weapons, for the rescue of some persons arrested for bailable offences. On that occasion neither the will nor the intention to rebel. was wanting; all that was wanting was the occasion. He then read a letter which he had received that morning from Lord Clarendon, declaring that the change which had come over the people within the last ten days was most alarming, and was greater than any which had ever been seen before in Ireland. No doubt any attempt at insurrection would be put down,

but it could not be done without much bloodshed, and the sacrifice of many lives. He therefore felt it to be his duty to come down to Parliament and propose a measure to meet this state of things. The Lord Lieutenant and the Lord Chancellor of Ireland had both pointed out the dangerous cha racter of the confederate clubs. It might yet be necessary to introduce a measure to prevent the organization of these clubs. Constituted as these clubs were, no doubt could exist as to their illegality, but the means of procuring evidence against them were not such as enabled the Government to put them down with facility. Such being the case, he knew of no remedy so direct in its object, and so immediate in its purpose, as that of securing the persons of those who were at the head of this projected insurrection, by the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act. There was at this moment a necessity for a Bill to enable the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland to secure the persons of those whom he suspected of meditating high treason. He there fore asked the House of Commons to consent to the introduction of such a Bill. He might have been justified in asking for such a Bill at an earlier period; but he had waited until, in his mind, and in that of his colleagues, the necessity for it was so clear, so notorious, and so convincing, as not to be denied by either House of Parliament. He trusted that no time would be lost in passing this Bill into law. Protracted debates on such a subject could do no good, and might do incalculable harm. No man could say what might be the consequence of withholding even for a short time the powers which the Government

now sought to obtain; and he asked those who were of opinion that the Bill should pass, not to render themselves responsible for the delay of a measure which might prove the saving of life in Ireland. He stood before the House responsible for proposing this measure; he assumed that responsibility, and confidently asked the House to assume its responsibility also; he called upon them to be mindful of the blessings which they yet enjoyed, and might secure, and also of the results which must flow from any other course than that which the Government invited them to follow.

Mr. F. O'Connor observed that the object of this measure was to seize upon Messrs. Smith O'Brien and Meagher because they shared in his own feelings, and hoped that Ireland would one day rid herself of the domination of England. Mr. O'Connor was proceeding to declare himself in favour of the separation of the two countries, when Lord John Russell took up from the table the board to which the oath of allegiance is attached, aud pointed it out in a significant manner to the honourable Member. Mr. O'Connor paused for a moment, but afterwards proceeded to contend that the best mode of keeping his oath of allegiance was by pointing out the way in which Her Majesty was most likely to retain her British dominions. was determined to give every opposition to this Bill, the effect of which he believed would be an immediate revolution. He then proceeded to denounce with much vigour the English newspaper press.

He

Sir R. Peel gave his cordial support to the proposed measure. He believed that a wicked conspiracy

existed in Ireland to deprive the Queen of her rightful dominions in that country. Such being his belief, he took his part at once with the Crown of the United Kingdom against the conspirators, who were endeavouring to wrest that power from the Sovereign by unlawful means. It was possible that a case might have been made out at an earlier period for a Bill like the present, but he agreed with Lord J. Russell, that when a proposal of this nature was made, there ought to be a strong opinion in the mind of the House and the country that a necessity had arisen to justify extreme measures. The question now at issue was really not whether there should be a repeal of the union, but whether there should be a total separation of the two countries. He believed that if the House refused to act now there would be a desolating warfare during the recess in Ireland. He believed that the Crown would ultimately be successful in it; but if it were not, of this he was sure, that there would be substituted for the present Government the most cruel, the most base, and the most sanguinary despotism that ever disgraced any country. He considered the measure of Government to be fully justified by the avowed declarations of open and undisguised traitors, who had not scrupled to recommend the assassination of the Lord Lieutenant. If further measures were required for the suppression of crime in Ireland, he hoped that additional powers would be demanded from the House, and that there would be no delay in stating their extent. He likewise hoped that the House would consent to the suspension of any of its forms which would prevent the passing of this

Bill at once. In conclusion he animadverted with much severity on the laxity of construction which Mr. O'Connor had applied to the oath of allegiance. "The noble lord showed Mr. O'Connor the oath by which he swore to bear true allegiance to Her Majesty Queen Victoria; upon which the honourable gentleman said, And am I not fulfilling the oath of allegiance when I am trying to insure for Her Majesty the loyalty of her faithful subjects in Ireland?' Mr. O'Connell might have said that, for he was the enemy of separation, and he wished to maintain the golden link of the Crown. But the honourable gentleman, the Member for Nottingham, declared for a separation between England and Ireland. Now, if the honourable gentleman meant that by a separation Ireland was still to remain connected with the United Kingdom, and was to form an integral part of it, why was he scared by the oath of allegiance? ("Hear, hear!") On seeing the oath, he declared that he was faithfully discharging his obligations by preserving for Her Majesty the allegiance of her Irish subjects and her rightful dominions in Ireland."

Mr. O'Connor-" Her English dominions."

Sir Robert Peel-"Oh! her English dominions. Let me remind the honourable gentleman, that the oath was taken without equivocation or mental reservation. The allegiance promised was an allegiance on the part of Ireland as fully and completely as on the part of England; and if the honourable gentleman took the oath with a secret reservation to be a faithful and loyal subject of this part of the United Kingdom, but reserved to himself a latitude with regard to

Ireland, and a perfect right to sever Ireland from Her Majesty's dominions, then I say that he reserves to himself a latitude of construction so large that there can be no value in his oath of allegiance." In conclusion, Sir Robert replied to Mr. O'Connor's question, was it possible to maintain a restricted monarchy in this country? "Looking at what has taken place on the chief arena of these revolutionary movements-taking Paris and France as my example-looking at the Government which existed before February, the securities for the public liberty, the state of the revenue, the condition of the manufacturing classes, the principles which were acted upon with respect to the rewards of labour--looking at what passed in February-look ing at what passed in the interval of three or four months until June, when the new Government, which was founded upon the barricades of February, was exposed to the most violent attack by those whose hopes were disappointed-looking at all those circumstances-avoiding any reflection upon them, and only drawing an example for the guid ance of the people of this country, -I say, so far from what has passed inducing me to distrust the advantages of a limited monarchy -to believe its foundations are less secure to believe that there is less affection for the person of the Sovereign, or less rational conviction in favour of the advantages of a limited monarchy;-looking to the experience of the last six months, I retain an increased conviction that the monarchy of this country is secure, and is endeared by numerous considerations and associations to the affectionate support and devotion of the people of this country."

Mr. B. Osborne said he felt much embarrassment as to the course which he should pursue. He at first had resolved to absent himself from the debate; but, on reflection, he thought it would be unworthy to shrink from taking his full responsibility in passing this measure; for he believed in his heart that the persons whom it was directed against made Repeal but a pretext for murder and pillage. But he did not conceal his strong conviction that remedial measures had been wrongfully withheld; and he should not consent that the Bill should continue in operation till March 1849. The House should rather sit from month to month henceforward, that this Bill might go forth hand in hand with healing and conciliating mea sures. He would himself bring before the House his long-considered conviction that there should be some modification of the Act of Union.

Mr. Sharman Crawford could not express the pain he felt in discharging his duty of voting against the measure. He desired to see peace, and this Bill would bring no peace. He admitted that liberty must be restrained in times of crisis; but never, in such a case as this, without accompanying mea sures of amelioration and social improvement. The Government had neglected the use of the powers within its hands: if it had used these, its troops and its Felony Bill would have prevented the present head being gained by sedition. But now, a new coercion Act would be a vain measure: physical force could not now prevent resistance to rents and taxes, and disorganization of society. He therefore felt bound to move as an amendment, "That the present distracted state of Ireland arises