opened by the King, who thus alluded to the aspect of the times : "In presence of the agitation which so deeply excites Europe, Belgium has remained calm, confiding, and strong. The changes in the political state of several nations have not in any way altered our good international relations. Our official relations with the French Republic have been esta blished on terms of mutual goodwill. From all parts we have received testimonies of sympathy and esteem. . . . . By means of the financial measures voted last Session, our patriotic army has been maintained on a respectable footing of defence; we have sustained employment; the public treasury has been able to fulfil faithfully all its obligations, and the burden of the floating debt has ceased to press on credit. The future will recompense the sacrifices of the past. "We are passing through a period of difficulty for European society. Belgium will not allow herself to be diverted from the wise and sure path in which she has entered. By happy union, she has been enabled to reconcile stability with progress, and order with the practice of liberty in every shape." CHAPTER XII. GERMANY.-Reflections on the Political state of Germany-Popular demands in the South-Western States-Riots at Cologne and Wiesbaden. HESSE CASSEL.-Commencement of Insurrection, and Concessions by the Elector. BAVARIA.-Ignoble conduct of the King-Riots occasioned by the presence of Lola Montes-She is ordered to quit Munich-Abdication of Louis in favour of his Son-The Chambers opened by Maximilian II.—His Speech on the occasion. SAXONY.— Popular tumults at Dresden-Change of Ministry-Programme of policy of new Cabinet. HANOVER.-Reply of the King to Petition of the Magistrates-Royal Proclamation-Meeting of General Assembly, and Speech of the King. Renunciation of Seignorial rights by Prince Von Leinengen-Meeting at Heidelberg on the 5th of May--Vor-Parlament convokedSecond great Meeting at Heidelberg on the 26th of March-Speech of Welcker-Meeting of the Vor-Parlament at Frankfort-Election of President-Committee of Fifty appointed-Bands of Insurgent Democrats defeated by the Troops of the Diet-Meeting of the German National Assembly at Frankfort-Discussion on the question of a Central Executive Power-Law passed on the subject-The Archduke John of Austria elected Regent of the Empire-Recognition of this choice by the old Diet-Address to the Archduke— His Reply to the Deputation-Report of Committee on Plan of a Constitution-Installation of the Regent at Frankfort-Appointment of a Ministry-Abolition of Capital Punishments-Question of the Armistice of Malmö-Violent conduct of the Radical party in the Assembly, and of the Populace-Tumultuous scenes-The Military act against the Mob-Combat in the streets-Defeat of the InsurgentsMurders of Prince Lichnowsky and Major Auerswald-Proclamation by the Regent-The question of Austria and the German Parliament. RUSSIA-Policy of Russia-Manifesto of the Emperor-Circular of the Russian Government addressed to its Diplomatic Agents in Germany. ERMANY.-We have seen in Italy that the effects of the French the shock was almost immediately kingdoms of the Continent, and in some caused vibrations terminating in catastrophes as signal as that which occurred in France. This [2 A 2] was especially the case in that vast assemblage of nations to which we apply the general name of Germany, comprising nearly forty millions of men. Amongst them political institutions had been gradually undermined by an undercurrent of agitation, of which the tendency was to establish democracy in its most dangerous form; for the speculative mind of the Germans loves to push theories to their utmost limits, and knows little of that homely kind of wisdom which is derived from the best of all teachers-practical experience. And, in addition to this, they had had little or no opportunity of determining for themselves within what limits the masses can be safely trusted with selfgovernment; for, although in some States, as in Prussia, arbitrary power was partially disguised under the veil of Constitutional forms, the authority of the reigning family in each State was in fact paramount, and the will of the Monarch and his Ministers dictated the law. But a people so intelligent and inquisitive as the Germans were not likely to remain in an age like this contented spectators of a political freedom enjoyed by others, but denied to themselves, and they only waited for the opportunity to translate into action the theories and doctrines which had long been the favourite theme of some of their most popular writers. Such an opportunity was the outbreak of the French Revolution in February in the present year, and the result was unexampled in history. Thrones, Dominations, Princedoms, Powers were then scattered like leaves before a storm. Never before had been witnessed such an upheaving of society throughout so vast an extent. Greater changes had for a time been wrought when the armies of Napoleon traversed Europe from Paris to Moscow, and every capital was entered by a victorious foe. But those attacks were from without: the nations bowed their heads like willows to the blast for a time, but when it had swept past they stood erect again, and, in the eloquent words of Mr. Canning, after the deluge of conquest had subsided, the spires and turrets of ancient institutions reappeared. however, the shock that was felt Now, was from the throes of intestine convulsion: class against class; the burghers against was arrayed the army; and a war of opinion as well as of the sword has commenced, of which no man venture to prophesy the result. can constituted authority, which has In the wild outbreak against rendered this year so memorable in the annals of Europe and the world, the populace of the different capitals, and especially in Italy, have shown in their hour of triumph how dangerous is power in the hands of a democracy. They have verified the wisdom of those lines in Schiller's Wallenstein : : May not be trusted with self-government; Of ancient custom are all necessary distinct narrative of the complicated struct a new German nationality on the basis of a Confederation of all the States, with one general Parliament or Diet, and a Central Executive at Frankfort, so that there has been a certain degree of interference exercised by the representatives assembled in that city from different parts of Germany on the political events that happened in the various kingdoms. We think that the most convenient course to adopt will be to combine under the head of Germany such details as relate to what we may call the National Movement, and also an account of the chief disturbances that took place in the less important States, reserving for separate narratives, under their appropriate titles, the histories of the two great Kingdoms of Prussia and Austria. To borrow an illustration from astronomy, we may compare the complicated political movements of the last twelve months in Germany to the action of the planetary system. Each planet has its own separate motion, and is not only subject to the disturbing forces of all the others, but is itself a disturbing force; while, at the same time, there is the overruling and controlling power of the sun in the centre, by which they are retained in their respective orbits. So the different States of Germany were each the scene of revolutionary fury, the example of one influencing another; but all cherished the idea of a central unity, and looked to the Assembly at Frankfort as the national centre, from which was to radiate the administration of one vast German Empire. When we consider the variety of customs and laws, and the difference in the political and social condition of the numerous kingdoms that extend-to use a favourite phrase of the Germans "So weit die deutsche zunge klingt," Far as the German tongue is heard, we may well regard such a scheme as impracticable and hopeless. The individualities of nations are too strong to admit of such a fusion as would be necessary to give a scheme like this any chance of success. It was in the South-Western States of Germany that the effects of the French Revolution began first to manifest themselves. On the 29th of February, the Grand Duke of Baden received a deputation from his subjects, who demanded liberty of the press, the establishment of a national guard, and trial by jury. They succeeded in their object; and M. Welcker, who had distinguished himself as a Liberal leader, was appointed one of the Ministers. On the 3rd of March, the Rhenish provinces, headed by Cologne, followed the same example. On the 4th, similar demonstrations took place at Wiesbaden and Frankfort, and, on the 5th, at Dusseldorf. At Cologne, on the 3rd of March, the populace assembled in crowds before the Stadt-Haus, or Hôtel de Ville, where the Town Council were sitting, and riotously demanded the concession of certain rights, which were inscribed on slips of paper, and handed about amongst the mob. They were as follows: "1. Universal sufferage; all legislation and government to proceed from the people. 2. Liberty of the press, and freedom of speech. 3. Abolition of the standing army, and armament of the people, who are to elect their own officers. 4. Full right of public meeting. 5. Protection to labour, and a guarantee for the supply of all necessaries. 6. State education for all children." The military were, however, called out, and the streets were cleared without much difficulty. At Wiesbaden, in Nassau, a large concourse of people met opposite the Palace, on the 4th, and demanded a general arming of the people under their own elective leaders; entire liberty of the press; a German Parliament; right of public meeting; public and oral trial by jury; the control of the Duchy domain; convocation of the Second Chamber to frame a new electoral law on the basis of population, and to remove all restrictions on religious liberty. The Duke was absent at Berlin; but the Duchess, from the balcony of the Palace, assured the people that their demands would be fully conceded by the Duke, her step-son. Subsequently appeared a proclamation, in which the Duchess guaranteed the concession of these demands; and on the same day, in the afternoon, the Duke returned, and, immediately addressing the people, he ratified all the concessions made by the Duchess and his Ministers. contained in the 95th article of the Constitution. 4. A complete amnesty for all political offences since 1830. 5. Religious liberty. 66 "6. Intervention with the Diet to procure a representation of Germany. A revocation of all decrees forbidding the exercise of constitutional rights, particularly those of petitioning and holding public meetings. "7. A formal promise that the laws announced in the proclamation of the 7th, and all others since become necessary, shall be presented for consideration at the next meeting of the States. "8. If at the end of three days the Elector shall not have published his answer, the Deputation will consider it as a refusal." As the Deputies did not return so soon as their fellow-townsmen expected, the latter made immediate preparations for active resistance. They erected large barricades in the principal streets, composed of waggons, trees, and stones, and ploughshares stuck into the barriers, with the points turned outside. They then invited the people of the neighbouring towns to join them. One of these, Bockenheim, is a small place detached from the rest of the electorate lying to the west of Frankfort, Hanau being to the east. The Bockenheim patriots, to the number of 1000, or more, marched through Frankfort, armed with guns, swords, pistols, and scythes placed on long poles; but happily no necessity for a hostile collision occurred, for the Elector gave way, and yielded to the demands of the people, so that the armed demonstration was converted into a peaceful procession, and all the towns and villages in the Electorate were illuminated. |