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when the landlords cannot, or will not, give enough, to take the tenant to America, they give, generally, one pound, with which the family begs to a seaport, and pays a passage to England, where they beg or starve in the streets. One Major Mahon, in County Tyrone, got clear of 300 tenants, comprising 3,000 souls, in 18 months. One of the vessels sent by him, the

Virginius,” left Liverpool with 476 passengers, of whom the second mate, one seaman and a boy, alone remained on its arrival in Montreal, all the others were DEAD, or put in hospital. The same fate attended others of the vessels of Major Mahon, and he was assassinated by the surviving relatires. This wholesale slaughter was never noticed by the English press, but Par liament passed a law to prevent assassination ! The extent to which this system is carried, is indicated in an official report, which gave the number, who, in Ireland, occupied farms of one to five acres, in 1841, at 310,375, and now at 139,041, a reduction of 171,334, and also a reduction of 170,000 in the number of those who occupy less than one acre. These ejected families number 1,500,000 souls, of whom a considerable number came to New-York. The immigration at this port, from January to October, this year, being 162,000, but the great majority are begging and starving in England.

The amount of taxes drawn annually from Ireland by the British go vernment, reaches $25,000,000. The Rathcormac, or English church, draws in tithes, &c., $5,000,000. The absentee landlords draw $3,000,000 per annum in rents, and the people pay $10,000,000 for the support of an army of occupation of 32,198 men. These sums amount to $75,000,000 per annum, levied upon such a population as we have described. Now, it is observable with respect to Ireland, that year by year, nearly all the surplus earnings of the people is carried out of the country and consumed, or saved elsewhere; consequently there is no more accumulation of capital, applicable to the development of industry, than aipong savages—a necessary result is, that when a crop fails, nothing stands between the losers and starvation. We may, from these data, approximate the comparative condition of the three countries and the United States. In the State of New. York, the total taxation for town, county and state purposes, for a year, is $4,617,461, on a population of 2,604,000, or 675,192 active persons. This is an average of $6 38 each active person per annum. The average for the Union is about $5 per annum on 4,798,870 active persons, amounting to $23,994,350 ; in addition to this, is the support of the Federal government, amounting to as much more, derived from customs duties, making, together, $48,000,000 for every possible expense, from sweeping streets and lighting lamps, up to the salary of the President. We may run a comparison between France, Ireland and the United States.

Active Population.
United States..4,798,870..
France ..7,937,000.
lieland .1.767.000.
Great Britain..3,744,000.

Annual Tax. Tax

per head. Annual Production. 18.000.000.... $10 00.... $1,063,133,736.. 350.086,550 43 50). .1,100,000,000.

-75.000.000. 43 00. .:..300.000.000. .403,725,948. 100 00. 2,000,000,000.

Perct, taken by Gos't

4.8 35.0 37.5 25.0

In these figures we have the primary cause of the misery in Europe and the comparative wealth of the working people of the United States. It may be mentioned, as an additional evidence, that large sums of money are being constantly sent from the United States to Europe, by immigrants, who came here because they could not get their own living at home, but who, speedily, having an opportunity for the exercise of their industry and economy, earn

sufficient to meet their own wants and relieve their friends at home. It will be observed, that those who are sent here, are the most helpless and turbulent at home, yet precisely these persons become, on touching our shores, quiet and industrious, and capable of remitting such sums as are indicated in the fact stated by the late Jacob Harvey, Esq., viz.: that in two years, $1,000,000 passed through his hands as remittances from Irish emigrants to their distressed friends at home. The same causes which depress industry in Ireland, operate in Germany, to an immense extent;. none will work where they cannot enjoy the proceeds of their labor. If any accumulate means by economy and favorable circumstances, it is not in a taxable shape. Neither farm improvements, nor household comforts, will indicate improved prosperity. He who has hoarded thousands in specie, does not alter his personal appearance or style of living. He holds fast to money, which cannot be reached by the fingers of the tax gatherer. This characteristic of the Germans suddenly undergoes a complete change on their arrival here, where property is safe and taxes light; large and long-hoarded sums in gold and silver are readily disbursed for farms and family comforts. The timidity and caution inspired by the tax gatherer give way to a spirit of enterprize and social emulation. Production becomes the cause of demand for the productions of others, and interchange, untrammelled by internal restrictions, progresses to the benefit of all.

Oppressive upon industry as are the taxes taken directly by the government and clergy, they form a small item in comparison with the sums taken from industry for the profit of capital through the operation of indirect taxes, which enhance not only the price of the article actually imported, but by preventing competition, confer a monopoly upon the large capitalists embarked in the manufacture of the domestic article. To the individual proprietor of a large manufacturing establishment, under protective laws, enures all the benefit of the labor of hundreds of operatives. In proportion as the wealth of the former increases is the misery of the latter enhanced. This fact attracts universal attention, and Carlyle, in his quaint way, alludes to it as follows:

Plugson, who has indomitably spun Cotion merely to gain thousands of pounds, I have to call as yet a Bucanier and Chactaw; till there come something better, still more indomitable from him. His Hundred Thousand-pound Notes, if there be nothing other, are to me but as the hundred Scalps in a Chactaw wigwam. The blind Plugson : he was a Captain of Industry, born member of the Ultimate genuine Aristocracy of this Universe, could he have known it! These thousand men that span and toiled round him, they were a regiment whom he had enlisted, man by man; to make war on a very genuine enemy : Bareness of back, and disobedient Cotton-fibre, which will not, unless forced to it, consent to cover bare backs. Here is a most genuine enemy; over whom all creatures will wish him victory. He enlisted his thousand men; said to them, • Come, brothers, let us have a dash at Cotton!' They follow with cheerful shout; they gain such a victory over Cotton as the Earth has to admire and clap hands at: but, alas, it is yet only of the Bucanier or Chactaw sort,--as good as no victory! Foolish Plugson of St. Dolly Undershot: does he hope to become illustrious by hanging up the scalps in his wig. wam, the hundred thousands at his banker's, and saying. Behold my scalps? Why Plugson. even thy own host is all in mutiny: Cotton is conquered; but the bare backs'-are worse covered than ever! Indomitable Plugson, thou must cease to be a Chactaw; thou and others; thou thyself, if no other!

• Did William the Norman Bastard, or any of his Taillefers, Ironcutters, manage so? Troncutter, at the end of the campaign, did not turn off his thousand fighters, but said to them: Noble fighters, this is the land we have gained; be 1 Lord in it,—what we will call Law-ward, maintainer and keeper of Heaven's Laws : be I Law-ward, or in brief orthoepy, Lord in it, and be ye Loyal Men around me in it;

and we will stand by one another, as soldiers round a captain, for again we shall have need of one another! Plugson, bucanier-like, says to them: Noble spinners, this is the Hundred Thousand we have gained, wherein I mean to dwell and plant vineyards; the hundred thousand is mine, the three and sixpence daily was yours : adieu, noble spinners; drink my health with this groat each, which I give you over and above!' The entirely unjust Captain of Industry, say I; not Chevalier, but Bucanier! •Commercial Law does indeed acquit him; asks, with wide eyes, What else ? So too Howel Davies asks, Was it not according to the strictest Bucanier Custom? Did I depart in any jot or tittle from the Laws of the Bucaniers ?

“ After all, money, as they say, is miraculous. Plugson wanted victory ; as Chevaliers and Bucaniers, and all men alike do. He found money recognized by the whole world with one assent, as the true symbol, exact equivalent and synonym of victory ;-and here we have him, a grimbrowed indomitable Bucavier, coming home to us with a • victory,' which the whole world is ceasing to clap hands at ! The whole world, taught somewhat impressively, is beginning to recognize that such victory is but half a victory; and that now, if it pleases the Powers, we musthave the other half !"

This is certainly what the “world demands,” and what the world will have. In the United States, this manufacturing monster has far less influence than in England, but we may regard its results and progress in a single instance. Read Lawrence" for Plugson," and we have an instance where 1,400 persons have toiled at 50 cents per day, for 20 years, spinning cotton, and it results that all of them are as pennyless now as when they commenced, while the owner has “ hung up” his $3,000,000! “ at his bankers !" This has been effected through the operation of a law of Congress, which has compelled every “ back covered" with cotton, to pay him at least one cent per yard more than others would have furnished the cotton for. The production of a year is 12,000,000 yards, and the tax is $120,000, levied upon the wearers of shirts, in order to accumulate $3,000,000, or the gross earnings of 500 persons, at the average rate of production per head for the Union, annually, for thirty years, in the hands of une individual !

Various and many have been the projects of industrial reform that have been promulgated in Europe, where the necessity for change is pressing; but it is remarkable that all of these avoid the only true method of relief. One party proclaims “the right to labor;" another party insists upon " the organization of labor ;” another on " the right of laborers to the land ;" others again insist upon

financial reform," to “aid labor," meaning the coucoction of paper money schemes. Among all these, however, not one proposes to cease to rob labor." All the schemes have one common end in view, viz.: to promote the production of wealth, in order that more may be obtained from the producers. They have only discovered that it is impolitic to kill the goose which lays the golden egg, and they have become solicitous for the health of the docile fowl, curtailing its allowance of food on dietetic theories.

Of the last mentioned class of reformers, the work quoted at the head of this article is one of the most remarkable, as well for its pretensions as for its perversions ; for the accuracy of its views in some cases, as for its sur. prising blunders in others; and above all, for its most wearisome, turgid style, and unending repetitions. It is called, by its author, a "prize argument on the subject of the currency ;" and he offers a prize of “ one hundred guineas to whomsoever can refute its contents." The author appears to have taken great pains to disseminate his argument, having circulated 1,200 copies gratuitously to the leading men of England, including

the members of Parliament. The book is over 300 octavo pages, and at least two-thirds of it is taken up in deriding and scolding all those who entertain different views from the author. To this circumstance may be attributed the little attention he has been able to excite. His plan of currency is slowly developed in the most wearisome manner, and may be finally stated in a few words. First : he would abolish the government mint and all national coinage, an operation which he persists in calling “ fixing the price of gold.” Secondly: he would " fir by law" some arbitrary sum, say 10s. sterling, as the minimum price of a week's labor, as a unit for a currency. Third : he would establish a national bank, to be called a Standard Bank, and branches, which should be empowered to issue to all wholesale merchants and owners of property, its notes, to the full amount of the value they themselves may fix upon their property, provided they give ample security for the return of the notes. All persons might thus, at all times, receive money for their property. When, however, the property is sold to other parties for the notes of the bank, then the amount is to be returned to the bank. Thus, the amount of paper money afloat, would, at all times, equal the value of all the goods held by wholesale merchants, and also of all fixed property and specie. The average quantity of goods stored in London warehouses has been stated at $400,000,000, and in the United Kingdom, $500,000,000; other goods and landed property would swell the sum of money that might be issued to at least $2,000,000,000, being at all times equal to the property for sale in the United Kingdom. If supply affects value, of what value would be such a quantity of paper ? This plan is based on the sound principles, that all “ labor is the source of wealth,” and all “ demand consequent upon production.” The author assumes, that the reason why this latter is practically untrue, is because it is frequently difficult to sell for money, although always easy to buy if you have the money. He supposes, therefore, by his bank plan, enabling the holder of property at all times io get the money, that the demand for other productions, consequent upon this ability to sell, would never be impeded by a stagnant market, falling prices, and difficulty of sale, and that consequently production would progress infinitely, reciprocally promoting demand. Thus far the theory is plausible; but the author does not appear capable of grappling with the difficulties that involve his plan beyond this point. It is no doubt true, that demand is practically the result of production, and that the demand reciprocally induces production and activity in the interchange of goods; when, however, goods are produced to exchange with an expected quantity of produce to be raised, and by some calamity that produce is not forthcoming, what becomes of the value of the goods produced in anticipation of the demand ? Thus, last year, there was in bood, in Liverpool, 1,000,000 bales of cotton, worth $40,000,000; suppose, also, there was $50,000,000 of manufactured goods to be sold to English consumers, there would then be an issue of $90,000,000 standard notes to the holders of this property. If, then, the productions of the consumers of these goods are, as last year, diminished by bad weather, to the extent of $150,000,000, they will have nothing to give for the goods, consequently the demand which would have resulted from this production does not take place, the cotton falls in value $20,000,000, and the goods $20,000,000 more.

The owners being then indebted to the Standard Bank $40,000,000, which they have no means of paying, how will a revulsion be avoided ? clearly not by paper promises. The author affects a distinction about "disproportionate productions,” but nothing clearly, and without much point. It will be observed,

that while this whole plan is based upon firing the minimum price of labor by law, he ascribes all existing difficulties of finance to fixing the price of gold,” which is the result of labor. We will, in order to show the singular mode of reasoning, here quote from the book, in relation to this matter, of the price of gold. To all ordinary intellects, it is well known, that by the act of coining, “ the price of the metals is “not fixed,” the quantity and quality of the metals is only ascertained, and pieces of a particular quantity and quality are called by a certain name, as sovereigns, eagles, &c. When persons have not them to give, they sign a piece of paper, promising to give them. Instead of promising to give an ounce weight of gold of a certain quality and quantity, they promise to give L3, because the word pound expresses the quantity and quality of the gold they promise, and that word pound grew out of the fact that it originally meant literally a pound Troy of silver. Now our author reasons? as follows:

“ Mr. Cobden tells us, then, that gold is merely weighed, assayed and stamped, as of a certain quality and jineness.' And a little farther on he tells us that corn is subjected to an invariable measure of quantity, for which purpose the law has fixed on the imperial bushel, which contains a fixed and invariable quantity; and in the case of gold it has done no more than fix in coins the weight and fineness of gold. To which I reply--You are in error, Mr. Cobden; the law has done one thing more than this : it has commanded gold to be weighed, assayed, stamped and priced! Is the imperial bushel of corn priced ?-No, it is not.

But as Mr. Cobden • will not follow the subject farther,' I will finish the argument for him; so now, if you please, we will fix the price of corn instead of gold, and take it for our suppositious measure of value, throughout.

As, however, we have not at present any precise measure of quantity, which, being filled with corn, would, in ordinary circumstances, be worth the exact sum of £3 178. 101d., suppose we create one for the purpose, and call it merely a

The measure of corn then is, first, like gold in the mint, to be measured instead of weighed ; that is to say, it is to consist of a vessel full, the said vessel being of a certain fixed capacity in cubic inches. Secondly, it is to be assayed ; that is to say, it must be of a certain quality as well as bulk. Thirdly, it is to be stamped ; that is, certified by Government to consist of the proper quantity and quality. Avd lastly, it is to be priced, that price being just £3 178. 101d.

Here, then, we have in supposition, a precise parallel for the present law of gold. The sum of £3 178. 10fd., and a measure of corn, are exchangeable terms; that is to say, a measure of corn means £3 17s. 10 d., just as an ounce of gold now means £3 17$. 104d.; and the sum of £3 178. 10.4d., means a measure of corn, just as the sum of £3 17s. 10.£d. means at the present time an ounce of gold.

“Now, to give Mr. Cobden the full benefit of his own argument, and gold being, as he says, in precisely the same legal position as corn, I have merely taken the latter in place of the former; and now let us see what would have been the result of this species of corn-law during the last year or two: Well, then, it would have been precisely this:

The price of corn, not being fixed by law, rose, between the months of August, 1846 and June, 1847, a trifle more than one hundred per cent. ; whereas, had the price of corn been fixed by law at £3 175. 10.11. per measure, the price of corn then, like the price of gold now, would have remained unchanged, whilst the general average of other commodities would have fallen in money price rather more than one hundred per cent. In consequence of which every man in the kingdom,whose assets, taken at their fair value in September, 1846, should not at that time have amounted to precisely double the sum of his pecuniary obligations, would inevitably, in the month of May, 1847, have been reduced to the condition of an insolvent !

" And don't you fancy to get out of this dileinma by saying, that, in the case supposed, all things, corn alone excepted, having alike fallen in price to the extent of a hundred per cent., the comparative state of things would have remained as before. This argument would be perfectly sound, as applicable to all persons, being neither

measure.

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