brought, and the claim to be discharged. The sack was quickly exhausted; and soon it became evident. that all the corn and wealth of the kingdom would not suffice to meet the engagement entered into with the philosopher.

Almost all great results have had humble origin. Whence do we derive our extensive manufacturing knowledge-our great skill which produces the vast wealth of this kingdom? and from what class of society? Why, from your own;-from such men as I have referred to. Stephenson, Watt, Arkwright, Dalton, Franklin, and many such contributors to England's greatness and glory, were essentially working men; men who laboured with their own hands; men who thoroughly understood their occupation, and having always an end in view, steadily, patiently, and perseveringly worked it out; men who profited by their labour, and laid by the profits of their industry for the benefit of their posterity. The descendants of such men having the advantage of superior education, enter upon another sphere of usefulness, and attain a higher rank in the social scale. The son of the cotton spinner became Prime Minister of England. The relative of the tea dealer and then banker, became the most wealthy Commoner and Peer of the Realm. And whether you look to the proud Peerage, the reverend Bishops, the learned Judges, the valiant officers of our armies, or to the front rank of any eminence,-you will find among the most notable of each, a near descendant of a working man. And such are not ungrateful to, or forgetful of, the class whence they sprung. example: Sir R. Peel-a Tory by profession and by party-did not hesitate, even at a sacrifice of friends and supporters, to follow that course of duty which experience, and consideration towards the working classes, suggested to his conscience was the right one: I allude to his noble and successful endeavours in the Repeal of the Corn Laws. Such men return

For

tenfold the value of the labour accumulated by their ancestors. Practically, in such cases, the talents entrusted to the father yield other ten talents in the blessings diffused by his heirs. Labour, therefore, economised, produces seed, the return and the fruits of which for future generations are incalculable.

What is the origin of our benevolent institutions— our richly-endowed hospitals for the sick-our comfortable almshouses for the old and infirm—our refuges for the destitute and the outcast-our happy homes for the fatherless and the widows-our quiet asylums for the unhappy in mind, body, or estateour public parks for the enjoyment and recreation of all classes? Why, these noble institutions are founded with the grateful offerings of wealth, and are endowed and maintained by the employers or consumers of labour, or its equivalent;-they are blessings established for those who benefit by them, in return for the benefits derived from the labour of their ancestors. Thus have I endeavoured to shew that each class of society contributes to the welfare of the others; strengthening and consolidating the fabric of which you form the broad base and the corner stone, and of which our beloved Sovereign is the head.

As further reason for contentment, let us take another view of your condition, as compared with that of the working classes in other countries. We will rapidly travel over Europe, and proceed first to France-the most refined and the most polished of all nations; and yet, what a sad history she presents! But about half-a-century ago, the streets of her capital ran with the blood of her best citizens; the horrid engines of death could not satiate the monsters who ruled that lovely country; and her rivers were therefore polluted with the wholesale massacre of her people; and of so revolting and so barbarous a character, that the wild Indian with his scalping knife never committed such atrocities: and even now,

what is her condition? Why, one of mental slavery. The people are governed by a despotism so arbitrary and so oppressive, that no one dare openly express his opinions to his neighbour; and liberty is nearly crushed by the arrogant and usurping power which now rides triumphant over all puny efforts towards the recovery of its freedom. Wealth and dominion revel in their selfish gratifications; but the working classes are so over-burdened by the weight of taxes and impositions, that they are becoming demoralised and degenerate, their energies paralysed, their industry stagnate. While we have increased in population-notwithstanding the extraordinary extent of emigration during the last ten years, about 25 per cent.,-France has (excepting to a very slight extent in some five or six large towns) decreased. While in England you see in every manufacturing village the substantial evidence of progressive wealth and comfort,-in France you would (with some few exceptions, as Paris and the chief cities) behold decaying habitations, grass growing in the streets of even important towns, absence of all sewerage, filth of every description running down the open channels of the streets; no symptoms of cleanliness, and no active boards of health benevolently forcing away the pestilential matters and vapours injurious to life. All presents an unprogressive aspect, as if improvement was arrested, energy departed, and apathy predominant. And then look to Spain, Portugal, and Italy

countries swarming with beggars and banditti. In Russia, the working classes are slaves to the nobles. In Germany, liberty is gradually unfolding her banner. Austria still rules with the iron hand the fair plains of Lombardy, but so oppressively and so exactingly, that at this moment Freedom is awakening, and will soon shake off the chains which bind her. Sardinia is aroused from her lethargy, and, as you are aware, lately sent 10,000 of her sons to support the noble cause in the Crimea; and although there

is still a contest between freedom and feudal power, yet a well-intentioned king, and a right-minded and liberal minister, have aided the popular voice for free institutions and progressive improvement; and the consequences are, a rapid and universal development of industry. But in no country will you find the same -or even any approach to the same-substantial comfort, quiet peace and happiness, sound health and prosperity, as in "dear old England." The only country where the liberty of the press is so unconfined and so unfettered, that every action of govern ment is subjected to its scrutiny and exposure, and if the popular will decree, to punishment and disgrace. Our prominent men, our ministers of state, our great generals, our eminent judges, all-aye, even the head of the state-are aware of their responsibility, and recognise the assertion that the great sovereign power is the will of a free nation.

I have commented tediously, I fear, upon our general political position; but I consider it as the safeguard and guarantee of our social happiness. And certainly, if things are good or bad by comparison, we have much cause for thankfulness, and should hesitate long before we imperil or tamper with such a sound and glorious constitution. And yet there are men, highly gifted with the power of eloquence, who see and know well that we enjoy to an unparalleled degree the blessings of peace, freedom, liberty, health, comfort, and happiness, who under some unhappy influence or mistaken philanthropy, would agitate and disturb the serenity of our progress, because it is too gradual to satisfy their ardent desires. They would ruffle our tempers, create discontent against our rulers,-excite one class against another, -raise a storm of angry controversy, and overwhelm us with clouds of doubt and trouble, darkening the sunshine of our prosperity; instead of patiently improving, step by step, and so admitting by degrees, and after repeated tests of value, innovations which,

if improvements, would not fail to swell the tide of our prosperity; but, if not improvements—if damaging to the interests of the community-if not most cautiously admitted-would be like a torrent and an avalanche, undermining and destroying the social structure before the error could be controlled, and the false step retraced.

Great changes are generally effected with most safety when operated by trifling and gradual, but earnest, amendments. I am no advocate for passive indifference and absolute Conservatism. The day will come when our Middleton, by reason of its intelligence, its important and valuable silk industry, its population, and its wealth,-will be entitled to, and will have, its representative among the Commons of England. But, my friends, that time, though looming in the distance, is too far to reach at present. Let us develope our resources, and patiently abide

the result.

I deprecate all hasty and sweeping measures: and, looking to chronology, I think we make good progress. Reflect upon the events of the last half-century; consider the wonderful inventions -the astounding progress of education,-the healthful improvement of our sanitary condition,-the freedom of trade, -the vastly-increasing power of the empire, the widely-extending spread of civilisation, the benevolent extension of the Gospel, the increasing and weighty influence of the Saxon race, which in China and Japan has broken through the last barriers opposed by superstition and idolatry, and which now, like a great ocean of good intentions and good deeds, washes every shore of this world. Consider the mighty power of this vast empire, as indicated in the titles of our Sovereign:-"Queen of Great Britain and of the Colonies dependant in Europe, Asia, Africa, America, and Australia, Defender of the Faith." Read the proclamation recently issued to our broth