tion-one, the dying message of the late Czar to the King of Prussia; the other, the manifesto of the new Czar, and the declaration of his intention of following out the policy of Peter, Alexander, and Catherine. He read an extract from a despatch of Count Nesselrode, issued immediately before the last war, and which seemed to be almost prophetic of the present policy of Prussia. Count Nesselrode said that "If Russia should undertake alone to put in execution these coercive means (that is to say, coercive means against Turkey), there is every reason to believe that the Court of Berlin would not in any manner oppose us. But, on the contrary, her attitude, at once unfettered and friendly, would operate as a powerful check to other States, and bring them to submit to results suited to the dignity and the interest of The diplomatist added, that Prussia should be let into the confidence of Russia, and would be convinced that the part assigned to her was for her advantage. Lord Lyndhurst then detailed the history of the Prussian negotiations. Prussia had, it was true, joined in the protocols of January and April of last year, but what else could she do? She could not openly side with Russia; she could not remain in a state of isolation; she had no other alternative. What was her subsequent conduct? Baron Manteuffel, her Prime Minister, declared that he did not conceive that Prussia was called upon to go any further, or that German independence was involved in the question; yet Prussia had already declared that a great wrong had been committed; she was bound by treaties to redress that wrong; and then considers that she has nothing

her

further to do than to express indignation at its commission. Lord Lyndhurst then commented, in indignant language, upon the supposition that German interests were not involved in the question. "German interests not involved in this question! Why, my Lords, I have said on former occasions, and I now repeat, that the interests of Germany are more closely involved in this question than the interests of the Western Powers, which have made such large sacrifices, and are still continuing to make sacrifices, for the purpose of promoting German interests, establishing German independence, and defending the cause of civilisation throughout the whole world. (Cheers.) If, in saying that German interests are not involved, she means commercial and material interests, how is it possible that such an assertion can for a moment be maintained? Is not the freedom of the navigation of the Danube a question essentially connected with German interests? It is true that, as far as Prussia is concerned, her immediate interests are not very much involved in the Danube, for all the rivers of her territory flow northward, and that is the direction of her commerce; but with respect to central and southern Germany, the great channel of their trade outward and homeward is by the Danube. How, then, can it be said that, even in this limited sense, her interests are not affected by the contest that is going on, and by the encroachments of Russia? It may be deemed necessary to refer to authorities on this subject, and I can refer to the authority of Prussia itself-to the authority of Baron Manteuffel, expressed in a document to which I referred on a former occasion, and which I will

now read to your Lordships. It states: The interests for which we are labouring amid impending complications are, from their very essence, the interests of entire Germany. (Hear, hear!) Referring to the navigation of the Danube, it then goes on to state: That a well regulated state of affairs in the countries on the Lower Danube is of essential importance to the material interests of Germany.' How can we reconcile these statements with the policy of Prussia as expressed by the high authorities to whom I have referred? They have stated, -We are of opinion that a grievous wrong has been committed. We do not think it necessary to go further. We do not think it necessary to take active measures, which we are bound to by treaty and by successive obligations, to prevent this wrong, for we do not think that either the interest or independence of Germany is involved in this question. But, my Lords, were the Czar once to establish himself at Constantinople, it would be quite idle to talk of German independence or interests. They must succumb to the superior Power. (Hear!') How can the conduct of Prussia be explained? I can only explain it by stating that some secret and overpowering influence is brought to bear on Prussia, which has neither the wish nor the power to resist the influence, perhaps, of a strong and of a powerful mind over one of a weak, fluctuating, and feeble character. There are, my Lords, circumstances connected with this part of the question which, though insulated, I must bring before your Lordships. At the Committee to which I have referred, on the loan bill in Prussia, the late Minister of War,

either as a member of the Committee, or having received permission to be present and to speak, made a statement which may be considered of a formal character. He said what my noble Friend opposite has often stated, that it was impossible that Prussia could co-operate with Russia on a question of this kind; that it would be an act of parricide towards the States of Germany.' What was the consequence of this statement -what followed it? This Minister of the Crown was welcomed in the usual way by his Sovereign, almost embraced by him; he was complimented for his long and active services, for his talents, for his devotion to his Sovereign. So the conversation was for some time carried on, but at last it was intimated that it was inconvenient to the Government that he should hold the office of Minister of War. (A laugh.) What was the result? Two days after he sent in his resignation. This is an insulated fact, but there are others which correspond with it. The representative of Prussia in our own Court, a man of great learning, great talents and attainments, Hear, hear!')—a profound statesman, well conversant with the interests of the country, and of Europe,-( Hear, hear!" finding the course pursued by Prussia was inconsistent with the opinions he had expressed as to the policy which it ought to pursue, and not desiring to be an agent to carry into effect that which he disapproved, or to defend that which he had condemned, resigned his office, and is now pursuing his literary labours at Heidelberg. This is in the same tone with the other instance I have cited. At a more recent period, towards the close of last year, the King of

Prussia, in a speech from the throne, with his usual eloquence -for which I am told he is remarkable-enlarged on domestic affairs, and afterwards on foreign affairs. As a matter of course, according to usual courtesy, it was expected that an answer to the speech from the throne would be presented; but, as it was supposed that the address might contain some observations which might not be quite agreeable to the royal ear, it was stated by the Ministers that the address should be dispensed with-that it was wholly unnecessary, and that the Crown did not wish it to be presented. I will, my Lords, without comment of mine, leave you to draw your own conclusions, and to form your own opinions, on what I have stated, and I will thus close the first act of this political drama." Then came the second act of the drama. Austria considered that Russia should be called upon to evacuate the Principalities. The document making the demand was forwarded to Berlin; the King of Prussia refused to sign it; the Russians evacuated the Principalities, and Prussia withdrew from all further support of the confederation. More than this-she used all her efforts to prevent the co-operation of the smaller German States, and had unfortunately been, to some extent, successful. The third act followed. On the 8th of August last-after Austria had decided on the necessity of taking more urgent measures -a meeting was fixed at Vienna to consider the preliminaries of the terms which should be offered to the Emperor of Russia. Though invited to this Conference, Prussia declined to send any representative. The four points were agreed upon by the Conference, and

rejected by Russia, whereupon Prussia instantly published a document containing objections to the four points. She continued her exertions against Austria throughout all the minor States of Germany. The treaty of the 2nd of December was the next point. Prussia refused to sign it, expressing simply her willingness to subscribe a separate treaty with England and France; the allies replied that she might do this, but she had never done it-she had contented herself with a few propositions, and in that state she stood at that moment. Her own Chambers had expressed their strong disapprobation of this conduct in an address prepared by the Committee of the Lower House of Prussia. That document he would read. It ran thus: "We cannot refrain from expressing the anxiety with which your Majesty's faithful people have followed, during the last ten months, the policy of the Royal Government in the great European question. It has seen with sorrow Prussia leave the community of the great Powers represented last year at the Vienna conferences, and thereby renounce the most efficacious means of assisting by a firm attitude the speedy attainment of the object so ardently desired by the whole countrynamely, a peace which shall offer durable guarantees against the renewal of the disturbance of established order in Europe, and in a manner conformable alike to the dignity, the interests, and the position of Prussia as a Power, and to the declarations made by the Government of your Majesty at the commencement of the year concerning its future line of policy." ("Hear, hear!") Prussia had demanded to be admitted to the

pending conferences at Vienna, but she had been most properly excluded. Lord Lyndhurst then adverted to the policy of Prussia since the time of Frederick II., denouncing its weakness, treachery, and vacillation. "It is a singular thing in the history of nations-of some nations, at least-that their diplomatic character and their foreign policy have a permanent form, surviving successive monarchs and successive administrations. The diplomatic character and the foreign policy of Russia may be traced back to the time of Peter, retaining the same form and the same character, and carried on upon the same principles now as then. In like manner, the diplomatic character and the foreign policy of Prussia may be traced back as far as Frederick the Great-I mean that Frederick whom the flattery of the French philosophers, in exchange for patronage, sometimes accorded and sometimes withheld, gratified with the title of 'Great.' Frederick the Great though he may be called, I hope posterity will never forget that he was the contriver, the originator, the instigator, and the active instrument of the partition of Poland the most infamous political transaction of modern times. (Cheers.) I can trace the foreign policy of Prussia from the reign of that monarch down to the present time, exhibiting ever the same features of weakness, vacilla tion, and unscrupulous selfishness. Though I could mention many instances, I will confine myself to those in which we ourselves have been concerned. As far back as the year 1794, it was considered to be of the utmost importance that we should be able to employ a large military force to act against France. Application was made to Prussia,

and her answer was, that she was too poor, that she had no means of raising such a force. The ancestor of the noble Earl who sits below me (the Earl of Malmesbury) conducted the negotiation, and he stated to the Prussian Government that England was ready to furnish the means upon one condition, and one condition only-that the army should operate upon such points as the English Government should point out.

This was the very

essence of the treaty; it was consented to by the Prussian Government, and the money was paid into the Prussian treasury. The soldiers were then raised, they were marched to the Rhine, and there they were detained, and there remained for purposes peculiarly Prussian. Notwithstanding the repeated remonstrances of the noble Earl to whom I have referred, addressed to the King personally, to the Prime Minister, and to the commander of the troops, they refused to stir from that position, and the object of the treaty was entirely sacrificed. I would suggest to your Lordships that you should read the correspondence of the noble Earl who conducted these negotiations, where you will find the fullest details respecting this transaction. I have them summed up in a short letter which the noble Earl wrote to the Duke of Portland at the time, in which he gave his opinion of the whole affair. I did intend to have read that letter to your Lordships, but, upon consideration, I find its terms are so strong that, though it has been published, I really should hardly dare to submit it to this House. The next transaction to which I shall refer, is the conduct of Prussia immediately before the battle of Austerlitz. During the whole of the anxious