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Captain A.-Very well, Sir: I shall certainly not baulk your inclinations; but I should be glad if you would please to explain your motives.

Sir L.-Pray, Sir, be easy: the quarrel is a very pretty quarrel as it stands; we should only spoil it by trying to explain it. However, your memory is very short, or you could not have forgot an affront you passed on me a week ago. So no more, but name your time and place.

Captain A.-Well, Sir, since you are so bent on it, the sooner the better: let it be this evening, here, by the Spring Gardens. We shall scarcely be interrupted.

Sir L.-Faith! that same interruption, in affairs of this nature, shows very great ill-breeding. I don't know what's the reason, but in England, if a thing of this kind gets wind, people make such a pother, that a gentleman can never fight in peace and quietness. However, if it's the same to you, Captain, I should take it as a particular kindness if you'd let us meet in King's Mead Fields, as a little business will call me there about six o'clock, and I may despatch both matters at once.

Captain A.-'Tis the same to me exactly. A little after six, then, we will discuss this matter more seriously. Sir L.-If you please, Sir; there will be very pretty small-sword light, though it won't do for a long shot. So that matter's settled! and my mind's at ease.

SHERIDAN, "The Rivals."

ENGLAND AND FRANCE.

Of the two instruments wielded by these masters of their art-namely, an English and a French armyColonel Napier has spoken with the knowledge and with

ENGLAND AND FRANCE.

275 the enthusiasm of a soldier. The differences, and the peculiar excellences of each, are pointed out with a sagacity and precision that long experience and accurate knowledge could alone supply, and with that fairness and candour which always belongs to a generous and exalted spirit. Had the writers of both nations, when treating of this subject, so fraught with prejudice, and hate, and national antipathy, always adopted the same tone of generosity and respect, we should not now have to lament the ill-feeling and suppressed rancour that still seem to rankle in the minds of both people. No man can rise from the perusal of Colonel Napier's history without perceiving that his own mind has been influenced by the generous chivalry of the historian. The reader finds therein no tendency to contemn or to hate our great rivals in arms; no desire to depreciate their valour or military capacity; no bitter feelings of national animosity: for he is taught to know that, if we ourselves be worthy for courage, for daring enterprise, for patient suffering, we have ever found in the French a foe worthy as ourselves in all the virtues of a soldier ;-that throughout the long war described, a rich harvest of honour was reaped by both people, while none was lost by either. It had been well for the world if such were always the feelings created by those who have treated of the hostilities (too constant indeed) between England and France. Neither nation would now have believed that aught was wanting to the full establishment of its military renown, or that for its glory any further deeds of arms were necessary. Mutual respect for the great achievements and great qualities of each other would have begotten permanent mutual regard, and an assured and continuous peace would lead to a noble emulation in those arts which conduce at once to

the happiness as well as the glory of a people. A scientific history of war proves, beyond all doubt or cavil, that fortune domineers over war; and a moral may thence be derived which might conduce to peace and good-will among all nations. If fortune be supreme, victory is not the true test of merit. Defeat is no proof of want either of valour or of skill: the bravest may fail, the most farsighted and skilful may have the wisest councils crossed and thwarted by the merest stroke of chance.

The blind decrees of fate do not award the palm of merit as of victory; nor is merit to be determined by the vulgar test of success. No one who follows the history of the armies of France, in their struggle for the Peninsula, can fail to honour the valour of their soldiers, the skill of most of the commanders who led them, or be blind to the all-pervading genius, and the almost superhuman sagacity, prudence, and forethought of their chief; why, then, should an Englishman be taught to entertain any feeling but that of respect and admiration for the nation which sent these armies forth? or why should England and France still continue to be hostile, because, a quarter of a century since, their gallant armies waged a war with each other, wherein both gave great and equal proofs of valour and of skill? No matter what was the issue, each nation proved itself a foe well worthy of the other—and mutual worth should beget regard, not

rancour.

Edinburgh Review, January, 1841.

Part Second.

FRENCH LOYALTY UNDER THE OLD MONARCHY.

HOWEVER submissive the men of the old1 régime may have been to the will of the King, one sort of obedience was unknown to them; they knew not what it was to bow before 2 an illegitimate or contested power-a power but little honoured, frequently despised, but which is willingly endured because it may 5 be serviceable, or because it may hurt. To this degrading form of servitude they were ever strangers.6

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The King inspired them with feelings 7 which none of the most absolute princes who have since appeared in the world have been able to call forth, and which indeed are become almost incomprehensible to 10 us, so entirely has the Revolution extirpated their very root from our hearts. They had for him both 12 the affection one has for a father, and the respect due to God alone. In submitting to his most arbitrary commands, they yielded

1 Old, ancien-2 what it was to bow before, ce que c'était que se plier sous-3 but little honoured, qu'on honore peu-4 which is willingly endured, qu'on subit volontiers-5 see note a, p. 2—6 to this ......they were ever strangers, literally: "this...... was always foreign to them"- see note a, p. 7-8 have been able to call forth, n'a pu faire naître indeed are, sont même-10 to, pour-11 so entirely has......extirpated their very root from our hearts, tant......en a extirpé de nos cœurs jusqu'à la racine—12 both, tout à la fois.

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still less to compulsion than to love, and thus it frequently happened that they preserved1 great freedom of mind even in the most complete dependence. To them the greatest evil of obedience was compulsion; to us it is the least: the worst is in that servile sentiment which makes men obey. Let us not despise our forefathers; we have no right to do so.5 Would to God we could recover, with their prejudices and their faults, something of their greatness!

A. DE TOCQUEVILLE,

"L'Ancien Régime et la Révolution."

AN APPEAL TO MERCY.

Misery engenders not only suffering, but crime. Here is an unhappy man,10 born in despair and vice; his intellect has remained wrapped in 11 darkness. Poverty has whispered 12 dark temptations to him. The hand of a friend never pressed his hand. Not a voice has 13 awakened in him the echoes of tenderness and love. When young,14 he passed through the age of flowers and of sunshine 15 without enjoying it. Now, if he becomes guilty, cry to your Justice to interpose: our safety demands it. But do not forget that your social order has not extended to 16 this unhappy man the protection due

1 And thus, etc......preserved, et il leur arrivait souvent ainsi de conserver-2 even in, jusque dans-3 to, pour-4 which makes men obey, qui fait obéir-5 we have no......to do so, nous n'en avons pas le......6 would to God, plût à Dieu que— recover, retrouver-8 see note ", p. 78-9 something," a little."

10 Unhappy man, malheureux-11 has remained wrapped in, n'est pas sortie des12 whispered, soufflé 13 not a......has, pas une ......qui ait—14 when young, simply: "young sun 16 to,

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