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translation, ') says: “ The various projects and plans that were formed, conducted, and executed with equal prudence and resolution by Calvin, in behalf both of the republic and church of Geneva, are related by the learned person, who, in the year 1730, gave a new edition (enriched with interesting historical notes, and authentic. documents,) of Spon's Histoire de Geneve. The particular accounts of Calvin's transactions, given by this anonymous editor, in his notes, are drawn from several curious manuscripts, of undoubted credit.” It has appeared to me that, as far as Ruchat and Spon and his annotator tread on common ground, the first has borrowed from the second with due acknowledgment, and the last, at considerable length, from the first without such acknowledgment. -Under the name of Senebier, the “ Histoire Litéraire de Geneve,” 3 volumes 8vo, Geneva, 1786, is referred to: the author, “ John Senebier, minister of the gospel, and librarian of the republic." Under those of Mackenzie, Waterman, and Middelton, modern lives of Calvin in the English language are pointed out. The first is dated, Huntingdon, 1809. It is chiefly a translation from Beza and Senebier. The second is by an American writer, (“ the Rev. Elijah Waterman, pastor of the presbyterian church in Bridgeport,”) Hertford, 1813. The volume conveys considerable information, and alone of the three makes much use of Calvin's correspondence. Numerous letters of the reformer and his friends are here translated “but without sufficient selection. The third first appeared in a periodical publication, 2 in 1825, but is now reprinted with other “ Lives of the Reformers” in à separate publication. The work of Fueslin's referred to is, “ Epistolæ ab Ecclesiæ Helveticæ | Vol. iv. 78.

The Christian Guardian.

2

Reformatoribus, vel ad eos scriptæ. Ex autographis.” Zuric, 1742, 8vo.

Once and only once I have had occasion to refer to Chauffepié's Continuation of Bayle's “ Dictionaire Historique et Critique,” 4 vols. folio, Amsterdam, 1756 : and I wish here to add an observation or two on the subject of that reference. It is made in the case of Servetus, and in consequence of Gibbon's having pronounced Chauffepie's “ the best account” he had seen of the transaction. I had the opportunity of adding to my note, p. 437, the one remark, and no more, that that account confirmed the statements I had given :-implying that it did not bear out the representations for which it was cited by Gibbon. The fact is, that able but insidious writer can support the charges he has brought against Calvin on this subject, only by placing implicit confidence in whatever his own“ best ” authority has declared unworthy of credit !- If the present is to be taken as a specimen of the historian's adherence to the vouchers to which he refers us, it must tend very much to shake our faith in his statements, at least where his prejudices are concerned.-The only correction, which Chauffepié's long article furnishes to my narrative, respects the manner in which Servetus's letters to Calvin were obtained by the magistrates of Vienne, which it appears was not by application to the magistrates of Geneva, ? but through the medium of a citizen of Lyons then resident at Geneva. This person, named William Trie, being pressed by a friend in his native city to return to the faith of Rome, gently taunted his correspondent with the consideration of the sort of persons which the Romish church tolerated, while she persecuted the reformed-instancing the author (Servetus)

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of the “ Christianismi Restitutio." This led to the examination and prosecution of Servetus : in the course of which the resident at Geneva was called upon to produce further proof against him ; and, failing to procure a copy of the work just mentioned, obtained from Calvin, by great importunity as he himself assures us, some of the author's letters to that reformer, and transmitted them to Lyons. Servetus however had previously printed his own letters to Calvin, and probably among them the very letters now produced ; which after all were never brought forward in evidence against him. It is only by assuming that William Trie either was John Calvin, or wrote what he dictated, that the enemies of the latter can pretend that he instigated the magistrates of Vienne against Servetus: and Chauffepié pronounces the assumption improbable in itself and unsupported by any evidence.—The same learned writer appears very reasonably to conclude, that Servetus's violent and insolent conduct when under examination at Geneva, the very reverse of his behaviour under similar circumstances at Vienne, arose from the confidence he was led to cherish, that he should triumph over his prosecutors by the aid of the powerful faction then opposed to Calvin : whence he says he fell “ a victim to his own pride and false anticipations.”

To the history of Farel it might be added, that in the year 1541 or 1542 he proceeded from Neuchâtel, his permanent abode after he quitted Geneva, to Metz, to promote the cause of reformation in that place ; but being there opposed by Peter Caroli, he suffered much ill usage, and was obliged to withdraw.?

1 Chauffepié, Servet, M. vi. In note L he confirms the correctness of what I have stated, p. 421, note 3. ? Mel. Ad. in Farel. Bez. Vit. Calv. Regist. Apr. 25, 1543. Hull, January, 1831.

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70

La Suisse Allemande, and La Suisse Romande.. 70

Reformation of the latter.....

70

William Farel, his early history

71

1524 at Montbelliard— Letters of Ecolampadius... 73

1526-7 at Neuchâtel and Aigle

77

1529 at the Disputation of Berne...

80

1530 at Morat, Lausanne, Vallengin, &c...

82

Remarks on his labours...

89

Proceedings in the Cantons ....,

90

Church discipline, and excommunication ...... 90

Sentiments of Zwingle, and of Ecolampadius. 91

Discipline established at Basle

93

Wisdom and moderation of Ecolampadius ... 94

Decline of the reformation in Soleure..... 95

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