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Thefe pretended principles and diftinctions however, he rightly obferves, were nothing more than temporary tools of faction... And if laying afide cant terms, we agree to call the refpective parties by the name of Oppofition, we fhall feldom fail of obferving a moft fatisfactory agreement betwixt their name and their conduct.

He then defcribes the effects of the oppofition against William the Third, which, according to this Author, was the means of raifing the nation to a degree of glory unknown to former ages.

To explain this, it is neceffary to take notice, that before the reign of King William, no method was known of raising money for the exigencies of the year, except that of levying equivalent taxes or impofitions, which, when great, as muft neceffarily happen in times of war, were much felt and complained of by the people in general, without any part of them being gainers by the public lofs; fo that, altho' a foreign war was often made a pretence by former Kings and minifters, in order to obtain a fum of money, there was nothing they in reality more dreaded. But now a method was happily devifed of abundantly fupplying the Crown without burthening the people, by means of voluntary contributions of thofe who were eager to contribute any fums of money, moyenant seven or eight per cent.; while the good people of England were kept eafy, by having no more taxes impofed on them than were barely fufficient to pay the annual intereft of the fums fo advanced.

As this method was tried at first with caution, both by thofe who borrowed and those who lent the money, the good effects of it were little felt during the reign of King William; who lived to the last in a factious and tottering ftate: but from the firft discovery of this fcheme of anticipation we may date that great change in the Conftitution, which has brought England and Great Britain to that heighth of power to which it is fince arrived. From that moment the ability of England for carrying on foreign war, began to manifeft itfelf, firft in unprofitable fquabbles about what was called the Balance of Europe; but afterwards in ufèful conquefts on her own account, in all quar ters of the globe. From that moment the Conftitution of England began to be actuated by a spirit fomewhat fimilar to that which actuated the Constitution of ancient Rome; where a foreign war never failed to ftop the mouths of the Seditious, and to put an end to domeftic broils. War, in England, became advantageous to almoft every rank of men: the poor wished for it, as the greater demand for labourers encreafed the price of labour: the ich wifhed for it, as the greater the demand for money,

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the greater the advantage to those who were poffeft of it: while, thofe in the adminiftration of government were eafily perfuaded into a measure which, with fuch univerfal approbation, put fuch unlimited power into their hands.'

Our Author proceeds to obferve that with the debt of the nation, fo grew in proportion, its credit; and, by degrees, produced a new fet of conftituents; who without being neceffarily connected with the land, with the trade, with either of the Houses of Parliament, or with any corporation or regular body of men in the kingdom, became no lefs formidable than they were ufeful to Government.

These reflections are undoubtedly juft: the constituents here intended have, in many late inftances, proved themselves formi dable indeed. It is to be wifhed however that administration had lefs need of them; for furely that Government must be upon a very unnatural eftablishment, in which a fet of men, who have no natural connection with any one order of the ftate, fhall have it in their power to give laws to them all. But while they maintain this unnatural afcendency, minifters must pay their court to them; for, as our Author very justly obferves, in the conclufion of his Effay, they must govern men by applying to their interests.

The paffions and follies of men are often of great ufe for their better fubjection and government; but they are too tranfitory and fluctuating for a ftatesman to confide in for any length of time. Their interefts are much more fimple, much more conftant, and much more intelligible, both for the governors and the governed; and therefore a much more folid foundation for a lafting establishment. The zeal for the Church, fo efficacious in the last years of Queen Anne, like a blaze of straw, was foon burnt out, and left thofe who rejoiced over it in cold and darkness: while those who had unadvisedly kindled it became fenfible of their error, and were careful never to hazard the like again. By the Convocation being no longer fuffered to deliberate about church matters, the church, that is, the clergy, ceafed to be a feparate body from the state; and feeing no hopes of preferment but from the good-will of the ftate rulers, all creeds, with the controverfies neceffarily attending them, were laid afide; they contenting themfelves with the quiet exercife of their legal rites, and the quiet enjoyment of their legal reve

nues.

Thus the religion of the magistrate, which fo many fools and tyrants had in vain endeavoured to eftablish by fword and faggot, was established under the benign influence of King George the Firft, without either coft or pains. From that time Religion Jan. 1765,

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has

has been no more capable of being used as a tool of faction; and will, therefore, never more be mentioned in this Effay.'

Upon the whole, we recommend the attentive perufal of this Tract, to fuch of our Readers as are defirous of being acquainted with the true principles of Governments, which if they were better understood, would prevent fo many ignorant zealots from being mifled by every piece of political trash which appeals to their paffions and prejudices.

MONTHLY CATALOGUE, For JANUARY, 1765.

RELIGIOUS and CONTROVERSIAL.

Art. 1. Some brief Remarks on fundry important Subjects, necessary to be understood and attended to, by all profeffing the Chriftian Religion. Principally addreffed to the People called Quakers. By John Griffith. 8vo. Is. Hinde.

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R. Griffith comes, piping hot, from the New Birth, and is fo full of the excellence of Regeneration, and his experience of the Lord's Dealings with him, that we cannot but deem fo diftinguifhed and favoured a perfon, exalted above the reach of criticism, as far as all other Enthufiafts are beyond the dominion of Reason, and the power of Argument.

Art. 2. A Review of an Essay on Prayer, entitled, Some Thoughts on religious Worship, particularly in Public. By a moderate Proteftant Diffenter. 8vo. 6d. Wilkie.

The Effay here reviewed by a moderate Diffenter, is a paper published in a late periodical work, entitled, The Library: fee N° for May 1762. The Writer of the prefent tract, is a ftrenuous Advocate for extempore prayer; and feems to be not a little difpleafed with certain Gentlemen who have lately diftinguifhed themselves among the Diffenters, in favour of pre-composed and flated forms. What he has here urged, with regard to the primitive mode, the proper rule, and the most eligible manner, of Christian worship, deferves to be attentively confidered.

Art. 3. Jofephi Exonienfis Henochifmus: Sive, Tractatus de moda ambulandi cum Deo. 12mo. Is. Oxonii, Prince. Sold by

Rivington in London.

A fhort, plain, practical treatife, recommending and explaining the duties of piety, and walking with God.

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Art. 4. The Quack: An Empirical Effay. To be continued occa

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fionally. By Timothy Probe-all, M. M. D. Profeffor of Phyfic for the Mind, in the Univerfity of London, and Member of the Academy of Sciences in Grub-ftreet, 4to. Is. 6d. Wilkie.

We have here a State-Quack, a political waggish Doctor, whofe mental phyfic is by no means unpalatable, and, at the worst, is perfectly innocent. The following is one of his Hand-bills, 'extracted from the medical writings of Horace.'

Whome'er Ambition's raging fever quells,

Or thirfty Avarice with dropfy fwells,
On whom the lethargy of Luxury preys,
Whom gloomy Superftition's frenzy fways,

Cit, Statesman, Blood, Sot, Madman, what you please,
To Change, to Court, Moorfields, or Harris's,

The QUACK fhall follow, and in order due,

Each tainted wretch with strict attention view;
Probe their foul ulcers, fearch them to the quick,
And, fpite of Flattery, tell them they are fick.

N. B. Though this advertisement is in verfe, the Doctor's packet is. made up in profe; and he himself mounts the Stage as Merry-Andrew. Art. 5. The Speech of Jofeph Galloway, Efq; one of the Members for Philadelphia County, in Anfwer to the Speech of John Dickinfon, Efq; delivered in the House of Affembly of the Province of Pennsylvania, May 24, 1764. 8vo. 2s. Philadelphia printed. London re-printed by Nicoll.

In our Catalogue for October, we mentioned Mr. Dickinson's speech against the petition drawn up by order, and then under confideration of the House, praying his Majefty for a royal, instead of a proprietary, Government. This reply from Mr. Galloway, a Gentleman who has long been converfant with public affairs in that province, is a manly and fpirited, tho' not a very correct, production. Some ftrokes in it were judged too perfonal by the Gentleman at whom they were aimed, and who expreffed his refentment, firft, by a challenge; but not obtaining fatisfaction by that means, he put up his fword, drew forth his pen, and produced the following article, viz.

Art. 6. A Reply to a Piece called the Speech of Jofeph Galloway, Efq; By John Dickinson. 8vo. Philadelphia printed.

In this fecond performance, Mr. Dickinson, who, it feems, is a Gentleman of confiderable eminence in the Law, feverely animadverts on Mr. Galloway's fpeech; and is more than even with him on the fcore of perfonalities: and for which, indeed, both parties are justly liable to public cenfure. The pieces published by thefe Gentlemen are neverthelefs worthy of attention, even in this country; as they ferve to convey a pretty clear notion of the important fubject of this new Pennfylvanian conteft: yet we cannot but wonder that a man of Mr. Dickinton's abi lities fhould, in his answer to Mr. Galloway, take no notice of the mafterly Preface to the last-named Gentleman's Speech, by another Hand.

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This

This Preface, fuppofed to be written by Mr. Fn, is of it'elf a very confiderable tract, of thirty-five pages; and exhibits a fuccinct view of this controverfy, concerning the propofed change of Government in that country, which was once fo happy under the influence of the wife and falutary fyftem of William Penn, the great Founder, and first Proprietor, of this hitherto flourishing colony.

Art. 7. Remarks on the Budget; or, a candid. Examination of the Facts and Arguments offered to the Public in that Pamphlet. 8vo. 6d. Wilkie.

As we entered not into the merits of the facts and arguments contained in the celebrated Budget, it would look like partiality, fhould we now defcend to particulars, in refpect to this different ftate of the principal of thofe facts, eftimates, and calculations; which are here contefted, in a manner that muft ftrike the attention of every impartial, intelligent Reader.Thofe who have given any confiderable degree of credit to the reprefentations and arguments thrown out by the Author of the Budget, and have been thence induced to form their notions of the political merit of our Adminiftration, in regard to the late treaty of peace, will do well to perufe these remarks on that famous anti-minifterial performance; and we will venture to promife, that they will find in them, fome particulars well worth their obfervation.

Art. 8. An Addrefs to both Parties. 8vo. 6d. Wilkie.

Among the many ill effects of our prefent party-difputes, this Writer thinks one good one has arifen out of them, which it is the defign of this Addrefs to point out, and turn to the public advantage.- -From the Refloration, to the prefent year, he obferves, there never was a time, when the character of King Charles I, and the principles of the whole race of the Stuarts, were fo well understood, and fo univerfally condemned, as during thefe last two years. -One party among us, has been perpetually declaiming against them as a race of tyrants, and charging the other with being their friends. The latter abfolutely dif claim this, and fay, it is a calumny founded upon a mean artifice of their opponents.An unprejudiced By-ftander will commonly obferve in party difputes, that both fides are in the wrong: in the prefent cafe, our Author thinks both in the right- fo far as they profefs themfelves the friends of Liberty, and enemies to that tyrannic houfe.' But, left he may have judged too charitably of either, he propofes a Teft, by which the public may prove the fincerity of each. His fcheme is, to abolith the religious commemoration of the 30th of January, which he confiders as a folemn mockery of the Almighty, by fetting apart a day of falling for fo bad † a man as Charles I. and for repeating a fervice in which he is reprefented as a faint and a martyr ;'-wherein the Compilers have collected together the feveral paffages of Scripture which de

That Charles was a bad man, and an enemy to his people, the Addreffer fuppofes to be a point in which all parties are now agreed; and therefore he contents himself with a very brief reference to fome notorious inftances of his misbehaviour, in order to fix the true idea of his character.

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