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such an objection, it is a mere quibble. As there is a material difference of opinion as to the construction of the documents and the Message of the President, it is a duty which we owe to ourselves to lay before the people all the information on which we acted, that we may stand justified or condemned by it before them.

gentlemen who have taken a part in the debate, have strongly impressed me with the propriety of the motion under consideration. There appears to be a material difference of opinion as to the true construction of the Message and the documents communicated by the President. It is apparent that I understand those communications in one way, and my colleague in another. We have been Mr. EPPES.-I rejoice that the period has at told that one nation (France) has been improp- length arrived, when our public conduct is to be erly dragged into this discussion. The Message submitted to the people-when, what has been of the President ought, in my opinion, to be pub- done in our Representative capacity is to be collished, to show that this is not so. There are other lected, not from eloquent representations on this sources of differences of opinion which can only floor of what other gentlemen would not do, but be understood by giving publicity to the Message. from the record of our proceedings. The secret Gentleman have gone into a long detail of the mo- is out-the bubble has burst-and gentlemen find tives which governed them in the votes which themselves and the public disappointed. I conthey have given. It is not necessary for me to imi- sider the publication of the Secret Journal as an tate the example they have set. I hope, when my appeal to the people. I am willing to indulge genmotives are called in question, it will be before the tlemen in making it as perfect as they can. I shall public, and not here. I shall be ready to defend vote for the amendment of the gentleman from them by all the means I possess, the vote of this Virginia, or for any other calculated to bring this House notwithstanding. I believed, when the in-subject fairly before those to whom we are rejunction of secrecy was removed, it was removed from our proceedings; and I considered all that was laid before this House as so far my property that I had a right to use it in my defence. We have been told there is one for voting against the resolution that a standing army was proposed to be raised by it, while the militia would have answered every useful purpose. This may be a very good and popular argument, but we have been within a few days told, from the same quarter, that it is necessary to have a Brigadier General in the Armies of the United States, to defend one of these very Provinces attacked by Spain. Some allusion has been made to a conversation held out of doors, and my colleague has shown some squeamishness to act on such authority. But I will ask him, if he invariably makes up his votes from official documents laid on this table, and whether he does not sometimes travel out of the record? When a gentleman tells you such and such a thing, in which the honor of the nation is implicated, ought he to be considered as out of order? Was it not his duty to give that information to the House? I will say, if I had been acquainted with these things, my doubts as to the propriety of the appropriation of two millions would have been much increased. Permit me here to observe, that when a gentleman intimated that the money was already gone out of the country, no man in his senses could have dreamt that it was intended to assert that it was sent out in so many actual Spanish milled dollars.

Does the Secretary of the Treasury, when he informs us there are so many dollars in the Treasury, mean to say there are so many round silver dollars there? No; he only means to say we have a credit to such an amount. So, with regard to our transactions with Spain; I understand that our credit is in Holland, and that the fund is created there from which we are to draw. Is not this, to all intents and purposes, the same as transmitting the money to Holland? When a man pays a debt, is it to be supposed that he carries the actual dollars with him? To say the least of]

sponsible for our conduct. The Journal is the best answer to their speeches. Amend it as they will, they cannot realize the public expectations. Its publication, I firmly believe, will excite no sentiment but surprise. On the day the injunction of secrecy was taken off, your doors were crowded with persons anxious to hear this tremendous secret. I witnessed nothing but disappointment. Congress has appropriated two millions of dollars to buy Florida! Is this all? Have you not confiscated the public debt, or, at any event, the Louisiana stock? Most certainly you have voted money to bribe Talleyrand. No, I assure you we have done nothing more than appropriate two millions of dollars for the purchase of Florida, in a law containing precisely the same words with the one passed for that purpose in the year 1803, and supported by the very persons who have denounced this measure. Gentlemen have attempted to draw a distinction between the situation of the United States in the year 1803 and in the year 1806. I am not so uncandid as to say that the present differences with Spain are precisely such as we had in the year 1803. This, however, I will say, every objection urged against the present appropriation applies with equal force to the measure of 1803. Let us examine what was the situation of the United States with Spain at these two periods.

that

In the year 1803, Spain had committed spoliations on our commerce to a considerable amount, the payment of which had been either wholly or in part refused. She had cut off the whole Western country, from an outlet to the ocean, by prohibiting a deposit at Orleans, and refusing to assign an equivalent one elsewhere, as stipulated by treaty. The remedy adopted by the collected wisdom of the nation, was, holding in readiness a detachment of militia, and making a secret appropriation to buy Florida.

In the year 1806, Spain had refused an amicable adjustment of limits-had refused to pay spoliations on our commerce-had in one instance violated our territory. The remedy resorted to, has been to hold in readiness a detachment of

As to the first of these, declaring war, no member of the House of Representatives wished to pursue that course. The gentleman from Virginia certainly did not. His report speaks only the language of peace; all the evils of war to this country, are dwelt on in that report with care and labor. If, however, we had not this proof, that he On this subject, I have never had but one opindid not wish for war with Spain, he has given ion. I have always believed, and I still believe, unequivocal proofs of it in his arguments on ano- that the money will be fairly employed in purther question. A war with Spain, we know, must chasing Florida of the righful owner. The genbe a war with Spain and France combined. tleman from Virginia will do me the justice to They are joined by alliance offensive and defen- recollect, that I held this language with closed sive. To a war against France and Spain com- doors. I hold it now in the presence of the peobined, all the objections urged against war with ple. That France may ultimately get the money England, would apply with full force. If war is highly probable, and why? Has not the genwith England would have increased Executive tleman from Virginia told us the sovereignty of patronage, and endangered the Constitution and Spain is annihilated, that the powers of her Minthe liberty of the people, so also would war with ister are signed Charles Maurice Talleyrand? France and Spain combined-we put war aside, | But of what importance is it to us what becomes

of the money we pay Spain? Are we to become the guardians of Spain? Shall we not purchase a territory important to the United States, because Spain may be bullied or cheated out of the money she receives from us? If Spain is really in such a degraded state that she has no will of her own, has her conduct towards the United States been such, as to induce us not to avail ourselves of the situation in which we find her? For my own part, I care not what use Spain makes of the money paid to her for Florida. It is of no importance to me as a Representative, nor to the people. That the purchase will be fairly made of Spain, I have no doubt. The Government dare not employ it in any other way.

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when they have taken that ground, you will give them money to buy the country, or in other words, to buy peace? I say no. If, on the contrary, the Government had shown the validity of the claim of Spain, I should not, perhaps, have hesitated to give the money. I do not absolutely say that I should. While gentlemen say the opinion of an individual is not to be relied on, they justify the Government by that opinion, at the same time that the Government tell you their opinion is directly opposite. If the Government had acted on those principles, the case would be directly the reverse of what it is. But they decided that the country did belong to the United States, and they are bound to act on this principle, or magnanimously abandon it. I hope, therefore, hereafter, that gentlemen will justify the Government in its foreign relations on the principles avowed by it, and not on princiciples of a hostile nature.

and reprehensible ever uttered on this floor. I did believe that the people of the United States possessed as free a constitution as the British people, and I had hoped more free; and I knew that such language had in the British Parliament been considered as reprehensible, and had brought forward a vote of indignation in that body. I allude to the case where the King's name was used for the purpose of throwing out Mr. Fox's India bill. I then reprobated this back-stairs' influence, this double dealing, the sending one Message for the journals and newspapers, and another in whispers to this House. I shall always reprobate such language, and consider it unworthy of any man holding a seat in this House. I had always before flattered myself that it would be a thousand years hence before our institutions would have given birth to these Charles Jenkinsons in politics. I did not expect them at this time of day, and I now declare it important, in my opinion, that the Message should be published, that the public may be enabled to compare the official, with the inofficial Message which decided the vote.

I shall vote for amending the Journal, by inserting the Message. I know, however, that this will not satisfy the gentlemen. They will next want the correspondence of cur foreign Ministers, and this they know cannot be printed. I In my opinion it is of the first importance that am willing, with these observations, to trust my the Message should be published, from a material conduct with those by whom I am elected. Á fact which took place in this House. A member Representative is not responsible for the wisdom in his place told you that the course recommended of measures. All he is answerable for, is an honest by a particular individual was consonant with the exercise of his judgment. On the present, as on secret wishes of the Executive. I did then repreevery other occasion, I am certain, I have hon-hend that language, as the most unconstitutional estly exercised for the public good, that understanding which God and nature bestowed on me. Mr. J. RANDOLPH.-It is not my wish, Mr. Speaker, to trespass on the patience of the House. But I think it necessary to explain what I am sure the House have not well understood; for my positions have been grossly perverted, whether intentionally or not I will not undertake to say. Gentlemen opposed to us act a very strange and inconsistent part. They will not give credit to a private individual as to a conversation had with a head of department. I do not wish them. I only stated that conversation as a reason for saying that I had withdrawn my confidence. And will gentlemen say I am bound, when evidence has come to my private knowledge, which is sufficient to damn any man, to legislate on a principle of confidence? When I find misrepresentations made to the public and insinuations of the most despicable kind on this floor, I come out, and call on any man to deny what I have stated. They cannot-they dare not-for I take it for granted no man will declare in the face of the nation a wilful falsehood. while gentlemen will not give credit to what has fallen from one individual, they have no hesitation in giving credit to an individual member for the whole course of the Government. My opinion is, that the Government knowing the caveat entered by Spain, and that Laussat was not authorized to receive the country from Spain, which they claim, and that France refused to deliver it by metes and boundaries-I say, my opinion is that the claim of Spain to the country between the Mississippi and the Perdido is a good claim; and I adduce this as one instance of misconduct on the part of the Government. But this is only an opinion of my own. The Government, on the contrary, lay claim to the country, and press their claim abroad. When the Executive say we have a right to the country, the question is, whether,

But

There is another reason for its publication. The gentleman from Pennsylvania has said there is no mention of France on the journals; and that we have no cause of complaint against France. I wish the publication of the Message to prove what causes of complaint we have against France. Let men of sense take a view of all the papers, and I am willing to abide the issue. It is said France has done us no injury-that the bubble is burst. We are told that this is a plain answer to all the speeches made on this floor. Permit me to say, the gentleman (Mr. EPPES) has given a plain answer to all the speeches delivered on this floor-it was impossible to have given a plainer answer to them. He says I will vote with you, but I will make a speech against you. Permit me to say, this is the first time I would not rather have had his vote than

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his speech. After this speech there can be no word to say; for it is not to be supposed that I indoubt as to the issue of the question. I will go fur- tended to reply to anything offered by the gentlether-after the adjournment on Saturday there man behind me. If I am to fall, let me fall in the could be no doubt. Saturday, it seems, is an un-face of day, and not be betrayed by a kiss-I mean fortunate day, on which no expedition is to be undertaken, no forlorn hope conducted.

The same gentleman has said that we pursued precisely the same course in 1803 as in 1806, and for obtaining the same object. He says the same course is now pursued-and yet he says he will not undertake to say the cases are not dissimilar. Put this and that together, and what do you make of it? The cases are decidedly dissimilar. In 1803 there was no existing misunderstanding between the American and French Governments with regard to our differences with Spain. Those differences had started up like a mushroom in the night. We made an appropriation to purchase the Floridas-to buy them-from whom? from their rightful owner. The circumstances would have been similar, if the United States had given money to France to compel Spain to form a treaty with us, then the national honor would have received a deadly wound. But there was nothing of this sort in the formation of the treaty then made. Spain, under the operation of causes, in which we had no agency, transferred Louisiana to France, and France transferred it to us. But this is not now the case. We are told that Spain is no longer an independent Power, but is under the control of France. What follows? That France is the aggressor on us, which proves every thing I have alleged.

no profane allusion. I shall do my duty as an honest man. I came here prepared to co-operate with the Government in all its measures. I told them so. But I soon found there was no choice left, and that to co-operate in them would be to destroy the national character. I found I might co-operate, or be an honest man-I have therefore opposed, and will oppose them. Is there an honest man disposed to be the go-between, and to carry down secret messages to this House? No-it is because men of character cannot be found to do this business, that agents must be got to carry things into effect which men of uncompromitted character will not soil their fingers or sully their characters with.

One word on the subject of voting on inofficial notice, on the representations of individuals, in the place of communications officially received from the officers of the Executive department. I have always considered the Executive in this country as standing in the same relation to the two Houses, that the minister or administrator bore to the legislature under governments similar to our own. I have always considered that the responsibility for public measures rested more particularly on them. For those measures they are answerable to the people-and to me it has been a subject of peculiar regret (I do not speak of the general character of the Constitution) that they There is another thing to be observed. The have not a seat on this floor. For whatever may public have been given to understand that two mil- be supposed to be my feelings as to the members lions have been appropriated for the purchase of of the Administration, I am ashamed when I see the Floridas. This is not so-the appropriation their fame and characters committed to such hands is only towards doing something; but what that as we are in the daily habit of witnessing. If is, is not defined by law. Now if, in 1803, we ap- their measures are susceptible of justification, I propriated two millions for the purchase of the should like to have a justification at their own Floridas, and did not get them, what security is hands, instead of hearing Yazoo men defend them. there now that by making an appropriation in the Much less did I expect, on such an occasion, to same language we shall obtain them? Although hear a Yazoo man assigning his motives for a the persons making the appropriation are not the vote on a totally different subject and this in same identical beings, those applying the sum ap- justification of a man with whom he is connected propriated are. I do not believe that we shall get by ties of consanguinity. This reminds me of the the Floridas. In this I may be mistaken. I hope intention imputed to me to bring forward an imI shall be for after having descended to prosti-peachment against a great officer of State. This. tute the national character, let us at least receive the wages of iniquity.

however, is so far from being the truth, that I appeal to those who heard me, whether I did not deBut gentlemen inquire, will you become the clare that I washed my hands of impeachmentsguardians of Spain? This is a mistake which that I was done with them. No-I will neither has run through every attempt at argument I have directly, nor indirectly, have anything to do with heard. We never professed to be the guardians them. But I will, in all questions that shall come of Spain. We professed to be the guardians of before this House, discuss the public character and our own honor. We care not for France tramp-conduct of any public agents, from a secretary to ling on Spain. Let her pick her pockets for what a constable; and I will continue to do it, until it we care; but if we instigate her to it, it is no long-shall be admitted by the Constitution, that the King er a mere question between France and Spain, but a question in which our own honor is engaged, which is at once mortgaged and gone.

Until the gentleman from Virginia got up, I confess that, what with my exhausted state, the badness of the air, and the tenuity of the arguments of gentlemen-so excessively light that they at once vanished in thin air,-that I had not a

can do no wrong.. I say I wish the heads of departments had seats on this floor. Were this the case, to one of them I would immediately propound this question: Did you, or did you not, in your capacity of a public functionary, tell me, in my capacity of a public functionary, that France would not suffer Spain to settle her differences with us; that she wanted money, that we must

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began and with that they will end, and I pray to God that the liberties of the people may not also

give her money, or take a Spanish or French war? And did not I answer, that I was neither for a -war with Spain or France, but in favor of de-end with them. fending my country? I would put that question to him. I would put this question to another head of department: Was or was not an application made to you for money to be conveyed to Europe to carry on any species of diplomatic negotiation there? I would listen to his answer, and if he put his hand on his heart, and like a man of honor said no, I would believe him, though it would require a great stretch of credulity. I would call tinto my aid faith, not reason, and believe where I was not convinced. I would then turn to the First Magistrate of the nation, and say, did you not buy Louisiana of France? Has France acted in that transaction in a bona fide manner? Has she delivered into your possession the country you be lieved you had bought from her? Has she not equivocated, prevaricated, and played off Spain against you, with the view of extorting money? I will answer for the reply. There cannot be the smallest doubt about it. I will put the whole business on this issue. All the difficulty has arisen from that quarter.

Mr. VARNUM.-I am not about to take up the time of the House by any discussion of the question before them, which has already been debated, three or four weeks ago, and principally occupied by the declamation of the gentleman from Virginia. I think it my duty, however, to give a short history of the circumstance from which has arisen the celebrated story of backstairs influence, Charles Jenkinson, &c. Gentlemen declared there was nothing in the Message of the President that justified the measure before the Committee, that it, on the contrary proved and pointed out as most proper the measure reported by the select committee. I did not believe that it pointed out that measure, or that there was any cause to believe that anything had occurred between the 3d and 6th of December, which could have induced the President to change the opinion he entertained, when he communicated the first message. In the Message of the 3d of December, he says "Whether it will be necessary to augment our land forces will be decided by occurrences probably in the course Yes, the bubble has burst! It is immaterial to of your session." No such occurrences had taken us whether you publish the President's Message place between the 3d and the 6th of December. or not. But it is material to others that you Taking this into view, and also taking into conshould; and, let me add, the public will not rest sideration what I considered to be the true meansatisfied with the conduct of those, who profess to ing of the Message, I said that I would venture to wish it published, while they vote against the pub- assert as my opinion, that the measure of the aplication. The public will not confide in such pro-propriation was agreeable to the Executive; and fessions. Gentlemen may show their bunch of that I formed this opinion from documents on the rods, may treat them as children and offer them su- table. On this the gentleman from Virginia rose gar plums; but all will not avail them, so long and commenced a violent attack similar to that as they refuse to call for the despatches of our Min- we have witnessed to-day. I asked leave to existers, and other documents, which, if published, plain. I did explain; and I now appeal to the would fix a stain upon some men in the Govern- House, whether I did not observe at that time, that ment and high in office, which all the waters in the measure of the appropriation I considered to the ocean would not wash out. Gentlemen may be agreeable to the wishes of the Executive, and talk of our changing, and chopping about, and all whether I did not support this opinion from docthat. What is the fact? We are what we pro- uments before you; and added, that if any other fess to be-not courtiers, but republicans, acting idea had escaped me, or could be attached to what on the broad principles we have heretofore pro- I said, that this was my explanation, and that it fessed-applying the same scale with which we was not my intention that what I had said should measured John Adams to the Administration. Do go farther than intimate this opinion, and that I gentlemen flinch from this, and pretend to be re- did believe I had not said anything that could publicans? They cannot be republicans, unless fairly be construed to have a different meaning. they agree that it shall be measured to them, as It is a fact, that it has been published in some pathey measured to others. But we are, perhaps, to pers to the Eastward, that Mr. Jefferson expressed be told that we have all become federalists-or to me his secret wish that a resolution should be that the federalists have become good republicans. brought forward contrary to his Message. I say This, however, is a charge, which, I am convinced, this representation is contrary to fact. I say that the federalists will not be more anxious to repel, Mr. Jefferson never mentioned any such thing to than we to be exonerated from. No, they will me; and if I had made such a statement, I should never become good republicans. They never did, have wronged the First Magistrate. Why these they never will act with us. What has happened? observations are again brought forward at this time They are in opposition from system, and we, quo I do not pretend to say; but what I have stated ad hoc, as to this particular measure. Like men, are the facts connected with this business. I bewho have ruffed it together, there is a kind of fel- lieve such an attack as this has never been made low-feeling between us. There is no doubt of it. before, in the face of an explanation made at the But as to political principle, we are as much as time, which I did believe would have been satisever opposed. There is a most excellent alkali by factory. which to test our principles. The Yazoo business is the beginning and the end, the alpha and omega of our alphabet. With that our differences

Mr. J. RANDOLPH.-When the veracity of a man is called in question it is a serious business. The gentleman from Massachusetts has appealed