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puted it, as obedience is for thofe whom he has fubmitted to it; and that they may tranfgrefs the laws, by not doing what thefe prefcribe, as well as by doing what they prohibit. Let us adhere to the national guards, whom a rifing conftitution found united for its eftablishment, whom the conftitution in danger will find always ready to defend it, and whofe patriotifm will render glorious the calumnies which may be shared with them.

period is paffed, in which French warriors, the docile inftruments of one man's will, armed themselves only to defend the interefts, the caprice, or the paffions of kings. At prefent, yourselves, your children, your own rights, are to be defended. We must conquer, or return to the dominion of feudal privileges, of arbitrary imprifonment, and of every fort of taxation, oppreffion, and fervitude. Your individual happinefs, the happinefs of all thofe who are dear to you, are thus nearly connected with the fafety of the country. But thofe are unworthy to defend it, who do not add virtues to courage. The men LA FAYETTE. whom we fight to day, are our

As for us, bearing the arms which liberty has confecrated and the Declaration of Rights, let us march to the enemy. (Signed)

Addrefs from the Reprefentatives of the French People, to the Citizens armed for the Defence of the Country.

The fate of our liberty; that, perhaps, of the liberty of the world, is in your hands. We do not tell you of our confidence; that, like your courage, is unbounded. We have not provoked the war; and, when the king propofed to us to revenge, at length, the outrages upon the national dignity, we refifted, for a long time, the wifh expreffed by the general indignation of the French. A good and free people take up arms with regret; but they take them not in vain; they triumph, or they break them in their hands. The tortures and fhame of an eternal fervitude would not fufficiently punish a nation, who fhould fuffer their liberty to escape them, after having conquered it.

And what object can be more worthy of your courage? The

brothers; to-morrow, perhaps, they will be our friends. Intrepid in battle; firm in misfortunes; modeft after victory; generous to prifoners; fuch are a free people. Crimes, notwithstanding, have been committed! The laws will punifh, in their juft feverity, all outrages against the rights of nations, and the facred rights of nature. Rewards, on the contrary, will attend faithful warriors; their names will obtain for ever the gratitude and the homage of all the friends of liberty; and, if they die in battle, their children fhall be the children of the country.

As for us, immoveable in the midft of political forms, we fhall watch over all ftratagems, over al the enemies of the empire. The world fhall fee whether we are the reprefentatives of a great people, or the timid fubjects of certain kings in Europe. We have (worn not to capitulate either with pride, or tyranny; we fhall keep our oath, Death-Death-or Vic


tory and Equality!"

But, to affure victory, it is neceflary, that dicipline thould regu


late all the movements of courage; and that distrust fhould never fufpend or deftroy them. There can be no triumph without the abfolute obedience of foldiers to their officers, to their general without conftant and fraternal union. The enemies of the country know, that you will repulfe with horrer, him who would leffen your civic zeal, your unalterable fidelity; but it is even in your virtues that they feek the means of feducing you. Affecting to fhare your patriotifm, they mingle with the expreffion of it, both in their converfation and writings, the infinuation of a fentiment, which produces, at first, but a flight uneafinefs, and ends in the moft blameable diftruft. They talk to you only of treafon and perfidy. Obferve attentively thofe, who hold this language; and prefently you will perceive, under whatever name they may shelter themselves, that they are generally only the emiflaries, or the hired writers of the enemies of French liberty.

Warriors, obferve the fecond battalion of Paris; the 6th regiment of chafleuts, ci-devant Languedoc; the 3d regiment of huf. fars, ci-devant Efterhazy; and the 49th regiment of infantry, ci-devant Vintimille. It is amongst yourselves, that we are happy to find examples for you. They have trufted, obeyed, and merited well of the country.

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minifter plenipotentiary at your majefty's court. I embrace this opportunity to exprefs to your ma jefty, how fenfible I am of all the public marks of affection you have given me. I thank you for not having become a party to the concert formed by certain powers against France. From this I fee you have formed a better judgment of my true interefts, and a more correct opinion of the state of France.

Between our two countries new connexions ought to take place. I think I fee the remains of that rivalship which has done fo much mifchief to both, wearing daily away. It becomes two kings, who have diftinguifhed their reigns by a conftant defire to promote the happinefs of their people, to connect themfelves by fuch ties, as will appear to be durable, in proportion as the two nations fhall have clearer views of their own interefts. I have every reafon to be fatisfied with your majesty's ambaffador at my court. If I do not give the fame rank to the minifter whom I have sent to your's, you will nevertheless perceive, that by affociating in the miffion with him M. de Tallerand, who, by the letter of the constitution, can affume no public character, I confider the fuccefs of the alliance in which I wish you to concur with as much zeal as I do, as of the higheft importance. I confider it as neceffary to the ftability, to the refpective conftitutions, and the internal tranquillity of our two kingdoms; and I will add, that our union ought to com mand peace to Europe.

I am your good brother,

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Note prefented to Lord Grenville, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, by M. Chauvelin, the French Ambajador, May 12.

The undersigned, minifter plenipotentiary of his majesty the king of the French, has orders to tranfmit to his excellency lord Grenville, fecretary of state for the department of foreign affairs, the following note:

The king of the French, in fending a minifter plenipotentiary to London, has fpecially charged him to commence his miflion, by manifefting to the British government the powerful reasons which have determined France to declare war against the king of Hungary and Bohemia. He thinks that he owes this explanation to the purity of the intentions that animate him, as well as to the laws of good neighbourhood, and to the value which he attaches to every thing that can maintain mutual confidence and friendship between two nations, which now more than ever have motives to draw them more closely to each other.

Having become the king of a free nation; after having fworn the agents to maintain the conftitution which the nation formed for itfelf, he could not but feel moft profoundly all the attacks that were made against that conftitution, and his probity commanded him to counteract and prevent

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the most powerful motives, and the most particular ties ought to have guaranteed.

The king did not omit to try the means of perfuafion to recall them to their duty, and to diffipate this threatening league, which fupported and ftrengthened their criminal hopes. But the emperor Leopold, the declared mover and chief of this vaft plot, and after his decease, Francis, king of Hungary and Bohemia, did not fatisfy any of the frank and reiterated demands of the king. After having exhausted, by delays and vague answers, the pa tience of the French; worn out every day by new provocations, the princes have fucceffively avowed the coalition of the powers against France; they did not deny the part they had taken, nor conceal that which they intended to take. Far from being difpofed to diffolve the plot by their influence, they tried to connect with it facts, heretofore foreign to it, and upon which France has never refused justice to the persons interested; and, as if the king of Hungary denied to confecrate the perpetuity of his attack against the fovereignty of the French empire, he has declared that this coalition, equally injurious to the king and the nation, could not ceafe fo long as France fhould preferve the ferious motives that have provoked the commencement-that is to fay, fo long as France, jealous of her independence, fhall not relax from our new conftitution.

Such an anfwer, preceded and fupported by preparations the most evidently hoftile, and by an illdiffembled protection of rebels, could not appear to the national affembly, to the king, and to all France, but as a manifeft aggreffion : for it was an actual commencement (G)


of war to announce that they were collecting the materials for it; that they were calling together their forces from all parts, to confirain the inhabitants of a country to alter the form of government which they had freely chofen, and which they had forn to defend. This was the fenfe, and the fubftance of all the evafive anfwers of the minifters of the emperor, and of the king of Hungary, to the fimple and honeft explanations which the king demanded.

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would be a direct violation of the rights. of nations.

The king hopes that the British government will find in this expofition the incontestable juftice and neceflity of the war which the French nation fupports against the king of Hungary and Bohemia; and that they will find alfo a common principle of liberty and independence, of which his Britannic majefty will not be lefs jealous than France; for England alfo is free, because it is her will to be fo, and certainly fhe has not fuffered, and would not fuffer other powers to come and force her to change the conftitution which the adopted, nor that they fhould lend the fmalleft fupport to her rebel fubjects, nor that they fhould prefume to meddle, under any pretext, in her internal difputes.

Thus the king is constrained to enter upon a war, which was, in truth, already declared against him, but religiously faithful to the principles, of her conftitution, whatever may be ultimately the fate of this war, France repels all idea of aggrandizement:fhe wishes to preferve her limits, her liberty, her conftitution, and her incommutable right to reform herfelf, when the all think proper. She can never confent, that under any pretext, foreign powers fall undertake to give her laws, or dare to entertain the hope of doing fo; but this pride, do matural and do jut, is a fure guarantee to all the powers that have not provoked her not only of her conftantly, paonic difpofitions, but also of the reipet which the French will flew at all times to the laws, the ufages, and all the forms of government of other nations. The king, alto withes that they fhail know that he will loudly difcountenance, and with feverity, all, thofe of his agents, at foreign courts, at peace with France, who fall dare to deviate for an inftant from this facred refpet, either by -fomenting or favouring injurrection againk fablished orders ox by interfering, in any manner whatever, in the. The king defires, befides, that all internal politics of thefe ftotes, under the articles of the faid treaty, which the pretext of a projelerijm, which,, have reference to the cafe of one exeral, among friendly powers, of the contracting powers being at

Perfuaded that his Britannic majefly does not defire lefs ardently, than himself, to fee confolidated and drawn more tight, the good understanding and union that fubfift between the two nations; the king defires, that conformably to the treaty of navigation and commerce of the 26th of September, 1786, his Britannic majefty fhall prohibit all the fubjects of Great Britain and Ireland (and publish the order in the ufual way through the two kingdoms, and the islands and countries; dependent thereon) from committing any hoftility againit French fhips at fea: and that they fhall not take out any patent, commillion, or letters of reprifal, from different princes, or states at war with France, or to make use in any way of fuch patents or commillions..

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Whereas hoftilities have broken out between the moft chriftian king and the king of Hungary; his majefty, for the prefervation and continuance of friendfhip and amity between him and their faid majef. ties, doth by this his royal proclamation (with the advice of his privy council) ftrictly prohibit and forbid all his fubjects whatfoever to take any commiffion at fea from any foreign prince or state, against any other foreign prince or ftate now. in amity with his majefty, or their fubjects, or by virtue or under colour of any fuch commiflion already taken or hereafter to be taken, to fet or employ any veffel or fhip of war, or to ferve as mafiners in any fhip which fhall be employed against any prince or ftate now in amity with his majefty, or their fubjects, during the prefent war. And all his majefty's fubje&s are required to take notice of this his royal command, and to conform themfelves to the fame, upon pain f incurring his majefty's high difpleafure, and of being punished with the utmoft feverity of law and juftice. And whereas

the moft chriftian king hath caufed application to be made to his majeity, that his majefty would, conformably to the article of the treaty of navigation and commerce, concluded at Verfailles 26th of September, 1786, renew and publish in all his dominions and coun→ tries the ftrict and exprefs prohibitions contained in the faid article; his majefty doth hereby ftrictly commiflion for arming and acting forbid all his fubjects to receive any commiflion for arming and acting at fea as privateers, or letters of reprifals, from any enemy of the moft chriftian king, or, by virtue or under colour of fuch commiffions or reprifals, to difturb, infeft, or any ways damage his fubjects; or to arm flips as privateers, or to go out to fea therewith, under the fevereft punishments that can be inflicted on the tranfgreffors, be fides being liable to make full reftitution and fatisfaction to those to whom they have done any damage. Given at our court at St. James's


the 25th day of May, 1792, in the 32d year of our reign,

GOD fave the KING.

Note prefented by M. Chauvelin, the

French Minifter at the Court of London, to Lord Grenville, May 24, refpecting the Proclamation of the 21st of May, against feditious Publications, &c. See Page (52).

The undersigned, minifter plenis potentiary from the king of the French to his Britannic majesty, has the honour to inform lord Grenville, minifter of ftate for the foreign department

That the royal proclamation, publifhed on the 2 1ft of the prefent month, and communicated to the two houfes of parliament, contains fone expreffions which ap (G2)

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