The decay of marriage by purchase among civilized peoples, pp. 403-405.-Mar-
riage by purchase transformed into a symbol, pp. 405, et seq.-Arbitrary
presents and sham sale, p. 405. —Return gift, pp. 405, et seq.-The purchase-
sum transformed into the morning gift and the dotal portion, pp. 406–408.
The decay of marriage by purchase among uncivilized races, pp. 408-410.-
The marriage portion does not in every case spring from a previous purchase,
p. 411. It serves different ends, ibid.—The marriage portion as a settlement
for the wife, pp. 411-414.—The marriage portion among uncivilized races,
pp. 414, et seq.-Fathers bound by law or custom to portion their daughters,
pp. 415, et seq.-Husband-purchase, p. 416.
Peoples who have no marriage ceremony, pp. 417, et seq.-The rise of marriage
ceremonies, pp. 418-421.-When the mode of contracting a marriage altered,
the earlier mode, from having been a reality, survived as a ceremony,
p. 418.-Wedding feasts, pp. 418, et seq.-Ceremonies symbolizing the relation
between husband and wife, pp. 419-421.-Religious ceremonies connected
with marriage among uncivilized nations, PP. 421-424.-Assistance of a
priest, pp. 422, et seq.-Omens and 'lucky days,' pp. 423, et seq.-Religious
marriage ceremonies among civilized nations, pp. 424 428.-Civil marriage,
pp. 428, et seq.-The validity of marriage, pp. 429, et seq.
Polygyny permitted by many civilized nations and the bulk of savage tribes, pp.
431-435.-Among many savage peoples developed to an extraordinary
extent, pp. 434, et seq.-Among not a few uncivilized peoples almost un-
known, or even prohibited, pp. 435-437.-Among certain peoples permitted
only to the chief men, pp. 437, et seq.-Almost everywhere confined to the
smaller part of the people, pp. 438-442.-Modified in a monogamous direc-
tion through the higher position granted to one of the wives, generally the
first married, pp. 443-448.-Through the preference given to the favourite
wife as regards sexual intercourse, pp. 448, et seq.-Bigamy the most common
form of polygyny, p. 450.-The occurrence of polyandry, pp. 450-455-
Polyandry nowhere the exclusive form of marriage, pp. 455 457.-Modified
in directions towards monogamy, pp. 457, et seq.-The first husband the
chief husband, ibid.-Monogamy the most common form of human marriage,
The proportion between the sexes varies among different peoples, pp. 460–464.—
Causes to which the disparity in the numbers of the sexes is due, pp. 465-
482. The higher mortality of men, dependent upon war, &c., pp. 465, et
seq.-The higher mortality of women, dependent upon female infanticide,
&c., p. 466.-Disproportion between the sexes at birth, pp. 466-469.—
Hypotheses as to the causes which determine the sex of the offspring, pp. 469-
476-The law of Hofacker and Sadler, pp. 469, et seq.-Dr. Dusing's
hypothesis, pp. 470-476.-Polyandry dependent upon an excess of male
births, pp. 472-474.-Coincidence of polyandry with poverty of material
resources, pp. 474-476.-Mixture of race produces an excess of female
births, pp. 476-480.-Unions between related individuals or, generally,
between individuals who are very like each other, produce a comparatively
great number of male offspring, pp. 480-482.-The form of marriage in-
fluenced by the numerical proportion between the sexes, pp. 482, et seq.-
Several reasons why a man may desire to possess more than one wife, pp.
483-492.-Monogamy requires from him periodical continence, pp. 483–485.
-He is attracted by female youth and beauty, pp. 485, et seq.-At the lower
stages of civilization women become old sooner than in more advanced
communities, pp. 486-488.-Man's taste for variety, p. 488.-Man's desire
for offspring, pp. 488-491.-Women generally less prolific among savage than
among civilized nations, pp. 490, et seq.-A man's fortune increased by a
multitude of wives through their labour, pp. 491, et seq.—A man's authority
increased by a multitude of wives, p. 492.-Hindrances to polygyny, pp.
493-503.-The difficulty in maintaining a plurality of wives, p. 493.-The
necessity of paying the purchase-sum or of serving for a wife, pp. 493,
et seq.-Polygyny practised chiefly by the principal men of the people, pp.
494, et seq.-Polygyny a violation of the feelings of women, pp. 495-500.-
Marrying sisters, pp. 499, et seq.-Coincidence of monogamy with a higher
status of women, pp. 500-502.-The form of marriage influenced by the
quality of the passion which unites the sexes, p. 502.-The absorbing passion
for one, pp. 502, et seq.-The causes of polyandry, pp. 503, et seq.-The
chief immediate cause a numerical disproportion between the sexes, p. 504.
Monogamy more prevalent at the lowest stages of civilization than at somewhat
higher stages, pp. 505-508.-Polygyny favoured by social differentiation, pp.
505, et seq.-The very lowest races either strictly monogamous, or but little
addicted to polygyny, pp. 506, et seq.-Polygyny adopted under the in-
fluence of a higher civilization, pp. 507, et seq.-Monogamy prevails among
the man-like apes, p. 508.-Civilization in its higher forms leads to mono-
gamy, pp. 508, et seq.-Will monogamy be the only recognised form of
marriage in the future? pp. 509, et seq.—Criticism of Mr. McLennan's theory
as to the general prevalence of polyandry in early times, pp. 510-515.-
The Levirate affords no evidence for this theory pp. 510-514.-Polyandry
always an exception in the human race, pp. 514, et seq.-It presupposes an
The time during which marriage lasts varies, p. 517.-Peoples among whom
separation is said to be unknown, ibid.-Human marriage, as a general rule,
not necessarily contracted for life, pp. 518-520.-Divorce dependent upon
the husband's decision, pp. 520, et seq.-Divorce among a great many
peoples exceptional, pp. 521-523.—A man permitted to divorce his wife only
under certain conditions, pp. 523-526.-Marriage dissolved by the wife,
pp. 526-529.-The causes by which the duration of human marriage is
influenced, pp. 529-535.-The duration of marriage among primitive men,
p. 535. The development of the duration of human marriage, pp. 535, et seq.
HISTORY OF HUMAN MARRIAGE
ON THE METHOD OF INVESTIGATION
IT is in the firm conviction that the history of human civilization should be made an object of as of as scientific a treatment as the history of organic nature that I write this book. Like the phenomena of physical and psychical life, those of social life should be classified into certain groups, and each group investigated with regard to its origin and development. Only when treated in this way can history lay claim to the rank and honour of a science in the highest sense of the term, as forming an important part of Sociology, the youngest of the principal branches of learning.
Descriptive historiography has no higher object than that of offering materials to this science. It can, however, but very inadequately fulfil this task. The written evidences of history do not reach far into antiquity. They give us information about times when the scale of civilization was already comparatively high-but scarcely anything more. As to the origin and early development of social institutions, they leave us entirely in the dark. The sociologist cannot rest content with this. But the information which historical documents are unable to afford him, may be, to a great extent, obtained from ethnography.
The admirable works of Dr. Tylor, Sir John Lubbock, and Mr. Herbert Spencer have already made us familiar with the idea of a history of primitive civilization, based on ethnographical grounds. This new manner of treating history has, since the publication of their writings on the subject, gained adherents day by day. Immeasurable expanses have thus been opened to our knowledge, and many important results have been reached. But it must, on the other hand, be adImitted that the scientific value of the conclusions drawn from ethnographical facts has not always been adequate to the labour, thought, and acumen bestowed on them. The various investigators have, in many important questions, come to results so widely different, that the possibility of thus getting any information about the past might easily be doubted. These differences, however, seem to me to be due, not to the material, but to the manner of treating it.
"The chief sources of information regarding the early history of civil society," says Mr. McLennan, "are, first, the study of races in their primitive condition; and, second, the study of the symbols employed by advanced nations in the constitution or exercise of civil rights." 1
Yet nothing has been more fatal to the Science of Society than the habit of inferring, without sufficient reasons, from the prevalence of a custom or institution among some savage peoples, that this custom, this institution is a relic of a stage of development that the whole human race once went through. Thus the assumption that primitive men lived in tribes or hordes, all the men of which had promiscuous intercourse with all the women, where no individual marriage existed, and the children were the common property of the tribe, is founded, in the first place, on the statements of some travellers and ancient writers as to peoples among whom this custom is said. actually to prevail, or to have prevailed. Dr. Post has gone still further in his book, 'Die Geschlechtsgenossenschaft der Urzeit und die Entstehung der Ehe.' Without adducing any satisfactory reason for his opinion, he considers it probable that "monogamous marriage originally emerged everywhere from pure communism in women, through the intermediate
1 McLennan, 'Studies in Ancient History,' p. 1.
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