be

ing taken them from the College to give them
a better education abroad, the resentment of
the College, and of the Catholic hierarchy in
Ireland, has been severely felt. What may
the consequences of this institution to the
peace of Ireland, it is difficult to foretell in
their full extent. It is easy to perceive that
it must ever be the greatest obstacle to the ex-
tension of the Protestant religion, and to the
quiet settlement of the country."

the right rev. Prelate, (the Bishop of London) the principles of strict rectitude. Too long, my Lords, has it been the practice of successive Governments to overlook the interests of Ireland, while courting the support of the Roman Catholic priests by weak and unavailing concessions, injurious to the institutions of the country. This is said to be the The question, my Lords, before the House beginning of a new policy. My Lords, it should not be considered as one of pounds, is no such thing; the first and most fatal shillings, and pence; the greater or the step was the concessions made upon less amount of your annual grant makes national education; the removal, in deno essential difference in the principle of ference to the wishes of the Roman Cayour support of Maynooth College; for a tholic clergy, of the best and surest foungood institution funds would not be want- dation of religious liberty, the most neing. They would, I am sure, be voted cessary ingredient of Christian education with cheerfulness and unanimity; for if I mean the instruction of youth in the I have derived any satisfaction from the Holy Scriptures, which was the recognised debates that have taken place upon this basis of the national system of education Bill, it has arisen from my conviction that up to the year 1831, and which, but for Parliament, although not well advised in the intolerance of the Roman Catholic the matter, is actuated by an anxious in-priests, and the sanction which their oppoterest for the welfare of Ireland, and with sition received at the hands of the Enga kind sympathy for the Irish people. The lish Government of that day-and still thing is, to ascertain whether the institu- more since, I regret to say, from Her Mation is really calculated for their benefit.jesty's present Ministers would have Connected as I am with Ireland, not alone been ere this in full and beneficial opeby birth, property, and residence, but yet ration; and productive-as in every place more by the ties of the most friendly in- it has been found to be-where it has tercourse with all classes of its inhabi- met with due countenance and support, tants, I may say from my own knowledge of social happiness, civilization, and geof them, that my countrymen are not un-neral improvement. The next step in the deserving of your best sympathies. If Ire- course of conciliation was the undue faland has presented, and still presents, dif-vour shown to Roman Catholic priests in ficulties in the eyes of Ministers; if your Lordships have heard of outrages, bloodshed, and agrarian disturbance-these, my Lords, are to be looked upon as the effects of misgovernment; of misgovernment the less excusable, because upon the face of the earth there does not exist a people who more eminently possess the qualities that are congenial to good government. None more than they combine love of country with devoted loyalty to their Sovereign; none are more disposed to yield respect where respect is due, or are more alive to the principles of justice, uprightness, and consistency; but on the other hand, none have a keener sense of injustice or oppression-a more ready discernment of a weak and timeserving policy, or more profound contempt for inconsistency and tergiversation, whether political or religious. Such a people, I contend, are the easiest in the world to be governed; for it is only necessary to hold in view with them, as suggested by

the scale of remuneration allowed to them as chaplains of workhouses, over Protestant clergymen-a step important, however, only from the principle it affirmed; that numbers, not truth, should, henceforth give a preference to one form of religion over another. I have already adverted to the Bequests Act of last Session; and have only, therefore, to wish Her Majesty's Ministers joy of the degree of grateful acknowledgment it has elicited from the Roman Catholic hierarchy and clergy for whom it was intended as a boon; and now you are called upon to pass an Act for the perpetual endowment of Maynooth College, constituting for ever the Church of Rome the uncontrolled instructor of those whom you have recognised as the spiritual guides and pastors of 6,000,000 of Her Majesty's subjects. But not even thus will the British Government purchase any lasting support from the Roman Catholic clergy; the priests of Rome will be, as they always have been, faithful to

sider well the circumstances under which this Bill is introduced. An avowal of weakness had been made by Sir R. Peel ; before his acceptance of office he had foretold that Ireland would be his difficulty. Such was his prophecy; and the declaration tended, along with other things, to produce its own fulfilment. Nevertheless, when he came into office, he found the state of Ireland comparatively tranquil, and its condition improving. The noble Marquess opposite appears to think that I am paying a compliment to his Government.

their Lord the Pope; and it is no more than due to them to say, that vain will be the endeavour to bribe them to become the friends of any Government not in avowed as well as practical subjection to the See of Rome. The obligations accepted by a Roman Catholic bishop at his consecration might be a warning to the Government of this fact; while the persecuting spirit of the head of that Church, against all who dare to separate from it, must justify the strongest opposition to this, or to any other measure of the like tendency, by the Protestants of He is mistaken; I attrithe Empire. What has been stated of bute the favourable state of things at that the occurrences at Achill and Dingle, time to the fact that all parties in Ireland particularly the impotency of the Govern- had been for some time looking forward ment to afford to the converts at the to the accession to office of Her Majesty's latter place that protection from persecu- present Ministers, with those feelings of tion which they prayed at the hands of confidence which their conduct, while in the Lord Lieutenant, should, I think, Opposition, so well justified. Soon, howmake your Lordships pause before you ever, confidence began to be shaken; the assent to a measure calculated so much Conservatives began to doubt the sinto strengthen the hands of a Church so cerity of Ministers; and the weakness intolerant-so beyond the power of the and incapacity of the Home Office did Government to control. You are desirous not escape the notice of the quicksighted to ameliorate the state of Ireland, to im- leader of the Repeal movement. Presently prove the social condition of the people, commenced the systematic agitation for and to act towards them in the spirit of the Repeal of the Union; and for several the utmost liberality: once more let me months, while the Government-notwithentreat your Lordships to examine well standing repeated warnings and remonwhether the measure before you is really strances-looked on in apparent uncona boon to Ireland - whether it is not cern, or rather in a state of mute astonishrather a surrender to Rome. Many cir- ment, the lives and properties of the well cumstances might account for the intense disposed were periled by a succession of anxiety of Her Majesty's Ministers to monster meetings of tens of thousands in press this Bill through Parliament, which a state of unexampled excitement, ready might be the very things to render it im- to act at the bidding of one man, and portant that your Lordships should not only by that one man restrained from hastily assent to it. I quite admit that acts of violence and open rebellion. I the present great prosperity of the Em- should, however, remark, that the noble pire, which is so much owing to the ability, Duke, as Commander in Chief, well pervigour, and foresight of the Government, formed his duty; for he took the necesis a strong claim upon your confidence; sary steps to preserve a military occupaand most desirous am I, whenever it is tion of the country. At last, the Governpossible, to find myself among their sup-ment was aroused-the meeting that was porters; but no such ability or foresight to have taken place at Clontarf was put a can be said to have characterized their stop to by Proclamation-and it is but administration of affairs in Ireland; nei-justice to the Repeal leaders to say, that ther does the past afford any such grounds of confidence in their wisdom and consistency in dealing with what may be called "Catholic questions," as to justify a blind acquiescence in their measures, or any hope, founded upon their mere assurance, that good can result from the policy they now recommend. It behoves you, my Lords, not only to examine carefully into its nature and tendency, but also to con

they did all in their power to secure obedience to the Proclamation, and to prevent the bloodshed that must otherwise have ensued. It then became apparent that one timely act of vigour might have prevented these meetings from taking place at all; for all were of the same character, alike objectionable. The mischief, however, had been done; the people had been organized-their discipline in respect

The Duke of Wellington: My Lords, I rise to order. We have now been debating two nights on the question before the House, which is a Bill for the establishment of a College at Maynooth; and I do not know that the monster meetings, or the conduct of the Government in respect to those monster meetings, or the prosecutions, have any relation to the Motion before the House. I must submit to the noble Earl that he should attend a little to the question which is under the consideration of the House. The conduct of the Government on the monster meetings, and on the prosecution, or any subject of that description, is a very proper subject for discussion, but not on the question of the establishment of Maynooth.

of obedience to leaders was perfect-they | clergy to a papal rescript communicated knew themselves to be individually brave- to them throughthe Roman Catholic Prithey had been taught to believe themselves mate of Ireland. From that moment, both collectively irresistible, and to despise the prelates and clergy ceased to take, openly, Government of the country. Then fol- that lead in the Repeal agitation in which lowed that State prosecution, with the they had been before so conspicuous; results of which your Lordships are well then it was that this measure for the peracquainted. I give the Government full manent and unconditional endowment of credit for their motives in having insti- Maynooth was submitted to the heads of tuted it; they were anxious to vindicate the Roman Catholic Church; and we are and uphold the common law of the coun- authoritatively informed, that ere it had try. I regret that the reverse was the been announced to Parliament, they had effect of it; in its result it has been in- been consulted with, and had approved of jurious to the common law, and done it. My Lords, I cannot help remarking much to impair respect for the Judges in that the circumstances and coincidences of Ireland, the Judges in England, and for the case would almost force upon me the the law authorities in this House. conviction that the Act your Lordships are now called upon to ratify, is the actual reward of service the earnest of future gratitude for similar assistance. It is, my Lords, the personal character alone of the individuals connected with the Government that forbids the belief that papal authority has been subsidized to aid in the Government of Ireland. A strong feeling of this kind, I believe, prevails out of doors. Protestants of Ireland begin to doubt the capability of the English Government to afford protection, or to maintain in that country the principles of the British Constitution. It is impossible not to be struck with the very altered views of Her Majesty's Ministers since 1840. Then we were told by Sir Robert Peel that the system of instruction at Maynooth was a legitimate subject of consideration The Earl of Clancarty: My Lords, I for Parliament, and that it would be an do not consider that I was at all out of abandonment of duty to allow doctrines order, or wandering from the question be- to be inculcated which might be injurious fore the House, when the noble Duke to the supremacy of the law, or destrucrose to interrupt me. I think it is im-tive to the established Government. Now portant that the House should not only understand the nature and tendency of the Bill, but likewise the circumstances under which it was introduced; therefore, however disposed in general to bow to the opinion of the noble Duke, I shall proceed with the statement of those circumstances. I had, in fact, nearly arrived at the con-contrasting the facility with which the clusion, when the noble Duke interfered. It is now authoritatively declared that the law is no longer capable of putting down the agitation of the country. It is true that the law is for that purpose inoperative, and this is the occasion for announcing the policy of conciliation; but while the law is thus impotent, no one can fail to have been struck with the ready obedience yielded by the Roman Catholic

Parliament is required not merely to surrender all such power of control, but to make an increased and perpetual grant without any inquiry whatever. My Lords, I will not dwell upon these inconsistencies, which have so shaken all confidence in public men; but I cannot forbear from

Government abandoned a Bill two years ago for providing a religious education in the principles of the Established Church for the thousands of poor unprovided factory children, in consequence of a few petitions from dissenting bodies, with the determination they now show, notwithstanding that ten times the uumber of petitions have been presented against it, to carry a measure for the propagation of the Roman

consistent support to this Bill; if, on the contrary, you believe that those doctrines are contrary to God's Word, it is impossible

decided opposition. Let it not, my Lords, be supposed that I would convey to the House an opinion that legislation should be stopped by petitions-far from it-but I do certainly think that where the public. mind is so strongly declared as it has been with respect to this Bill, that it is due to the petitioners carefully to examine into the grounds of their opposition; to act otherwise is to outrage public opinion, and practically to annul the privilege of petition. Measures are undoubtedly necessary for Ireland, and none more desir able than those which may tend to improve the social condition of the people; but of all imaginable measures for such a purpose, to have entered into the minds of Englishmen, who once rejoiced in their emancipation from the Romish yoke, this scheme of fastening and perpetuating upon Ireland the infliction of Maynooth College-this policy of strengthening the papal authority over the Irish population, is the very last that could have been expected from a British Parliament, an English Government, or a Protestant So

Catholic religion. The interests of the Established Church, or the poor, are thrown away with little or no hesitation those of the Church of Rome must be sup-to doubt that you will give the Bill your ported at all hazards. I trust, however, that your Lordships will not be so insensible to the Protestant feelings of the nation. Objection has been made to the language of some of these petitioners the language, my Lords, is, no doubt, strong, but it is not stronger than the case warranted, nor than the language of the Constitution. Your Lordships' own declarations in Parliament have been couched in language quite as strong. Having presented many of these petitions, I must say that those who signed them had good warrant for believing that their prayer would be favourably heard. In addressing your Lordships, they knew that you had witnessed the solemn declaration made by Her Majesty at her Coronation-they had therefore good reason to hope that you would readily abstain from advising her to put her hand to an Act for the encouragement of a form of worship, of which she had testified her belief openly before God and man, that it was superstitious and idolatrous. And the fact, that a great majority of your Lordships-all who held seats in Parliament up to the year 1829-vereign. have made and subscribed, and, of course, in so doing, have sincerely assented to the declaration prescribed by the 30th Charles II., s. 2., than which no language can be more strongly condemnatory of Roman Catholic doctrine, might well have justified their belief, that acting upon your own opinions so solemnly expressed, you would have concurred with them in opposing the measure. I must add another strong ground of confidence that your petitioners must have had in approaching your Lordships' House. They knew that this measure would be debated in the presence of that right rev. Bench, whose peculiar obligations have been already more than once referred to. It is with the most profound respect that I now address myself to them. My Lords, the country looks with confidence to your decision upon this measure as Bishops. You sit in this House as Bishops. You have accepted the solemn obligation of opposing your-cussion; but as the noble Duke, in introselves to the dissemination of doctrines contrary toGod's Word. Do you believe that the Roman Catholic doctrines taught at Maynooth College are in accordance with God's Word? If you do, you will give a

The Duke of Cleveland was anxious to vindicate his consistency in the course which he was about to pursue in respect of the Bill now before the House; for if value were attached to the consistency of the public conduct of a Minister in office, or a Statesman who aspired to an official station, it was in a minor degree important to every Member of the Legisla ture, however humble might be his position. He regretted that in this instance he differed from several of those with whom he generally concurred in political questions; but he trusted to be able to prove to them that in supporting this Bill, which he felt it his duty to do, he was only acting in strict conformity with the policy which he had always pursued and had steadily recommended with respect to Ireland, from his first entrance into public life. The debate for the last two nights had assumed the character of a theological dis

ducing the measure, had stated that he considered the question before them, not a religious, but solely a political one, so it was in the latter point of view that he wished to consider it in the few observa