arms against their friends and brothers." | they were suffering. This meeting resulted After giving this advice to his fellow-arti- in the organization called the "Workingsans, William Lovett was speedily supplied man's Association," and in this association with an opportunity of showing whether he Chartism was born. With the aid of one or had the courage of his opinions. With sus- two others, William Lovett drew up the picious promptness his own name was drawn "People's Charter." This document profor the militia, and with equal promptness posed, 1, to confer the franchise on every he refused to serve, to pay, or to furnish a citizen twenty-one years of age of sane mind, substitute. The constables at once entered unconvicted of crime, who should have rehis house-their plans had evidently been sided three months in the district in which pre-arranged and stripped it of its furni- he should vote; 2, to divide the United ture, of every thing. However, there was Kingdom into three hundred electoral disconsiderable excitement about the matter, tricts, containing, as nearly as might be, an and it was not deemed by the authorities equal number of inhabitants, each district prudent that the articles seized should be at to send one member to Parliament, no more; once submitted for public sale in the usual | 3, to take the votes of electors by ballot, in way; so the little all of the Lovetts, includ- order to protect them from unjust influence; ing that prized furniture which he had 4, that the Parliament should assemble anmade with his own hand, was stored away nually; 5, that property qualifications for for some time in an auction mart, and then members of Parliament should be abolished, sold as "property seized for taxes." But he and members paid for their services. In was more than repaid for this loss. He pe- advocacy of these principles William Lovtitioned the House of Commons; a debate ett wrote from time to time powerful pamensued, in which the militia system was phlets, which had a very wide circulation, strongly condemned by many eminent men; and Chartism became the all-inclusive poppublic opinion was fairly aroused, and did ular movement of Great Britain. At the the rest; and so Lovett's was the only prop- same time he wrote letters addressed to the erty that had to be seized to bring on an working classes of Poland, Belgium, Canimportant reform, and no drawing for the ada, the United States, and other countries. militia has ever occurred from that day to These appeals were always submitted to this. large meetings of working-men in London, and adopted as their voice, and in each case they elicited hearty responses from that class in the various nations to which they were addressed. Above all, the Chartists looked to America as the great demonstration of the practical character of their aims. Scattered through their appeals are such passages as the following: "They say that we are 'adopting and imitating the mischievous conduct of our oppressors, in seeking to make men free and happy by means of legislation!' What, we would ask, but legislation has A The next wrong that Lovett confronted was the heavy stamp duty on newspapersfourpence. The working classes found in this restriction upon the spread of knowledge a real and constant grievance. Mr. Hetherington, then publishing the Poor Man's Guardian, sold his paper without the stamp, and therefor was thrown into prison. Upon this, William Lovett organized a "Victims' Fund," to assist in defending all who were prosecuted for selling the unstamped Guardian, and he formed one of a committee who undertook to supply the paper to sub-made the difference between democratic scribers at their own houses. In the course of the sharp war waged on this subject through four years, about five hundred persons were imprisoned for selling unstamped papers; and then Lord Brougham in the House of Lords and Mr. Roebuck in the House of Commons took the matter up, and the government was compelled to substitute the one-penny in place of the fourpenny stamp. The name of Roebuck-who has now in his old age returned to Parliament as the advocate of every base measure aimed at the rights of the people-appeared in those days in honorable connection not only with the great victory which inaugurated.brethren ?" the cheap press, but with every brave cause which was leading the English people to their fairer future. But a more gigantic struggle awaited the Cornish mechanic. In 1836 he invited some working-men to meet him for consultation concerning the oppressions under which America, despotic Russia, and pauperized and oppressed England? If the will of the American people, expressed through their legislature, has raised them from such poor and heterogeneous origin to become a nation better educated than any under the sun where two-thirds of the adults are proprietors, while most of the others have the prospect of becoming so-what, we would ask the gentlemen who make these admissions, is there in the character of Englishmen to prevent them from realizing similar advantages, were the same political rights conferred upon them as on their American Perhaps the saddest shock which the Chartists ever received was when at a later period of their movement the Oregon boundary question raised between the two countries a shadow of war. William Lovett then wrote an address to the working-men of America, which was adopted with enthusiasm by the "National Associa has yet to be made, and which have raised the flag that still floats where many have trailed, inscribed with the title of a vision certain to be realized-The United States of Europe. The Chartists did not for a moment lose sight of their hand-to-hand conflict at home while cultivating fraternal relations with other countries. One of the practical results of their agitation was the organization of a few trades-unions. The capitalists foresaw the immense limitations upon their power which were to come from these combinations, and waged a furious war against them. Their plan of attack was to bring all manner of charges against these unions-sedition, conspiracy, fraud, cruelty to non-conforming laborers, and so on; and the skill with which William Lovett, as secretary of the trades of London, refuted these charges brought him some dubious compliments from high quarters in the shape of suggestions that he should desert his humble clients and comrades, and seek eminence at the bar. When the government appointed a commission to investigate these charges, Lovett assisted them in every possible way, and the result was that they had to report that they had found nothing against the unions, which from that time (1838) began to multiply and increase to their present dimensions. tion" in England, in which he said: "We beseech you, working-men of America, do not permit yourselves to be drawn or seduced into war, and thus afford the enemies of our liberties and the haters of yours a pretext and opportunity to produce those lamentable results" (of which the pamphlet had been speaking), "nay, it may be, to jeopardize the rights and liberties which you now enjoy. Your country has long been an asylum for persecuted freedom throughout the world, and your democratic institutions inspire the hopeful and struggling among all nations; but while your republic offers a beacon to cheer and animate the friends of human rights and equal laws, it at the same time sends forth a light that despotism would fain extinguish. For, be assured, the despots of Europe would gladly cast aside their petty contentions to form another unholy alliance against the growing republic of America; and though their combined power might fail to crush your liberties, they would not fail in desolating your shores and in destroying great numbers of your people." In 1844 Mr. Lovett, as representative of the same association, prepared and sent to the French working classes, for their adoption, the following propositions: 1. That we, the working classes of France and England, respectfully present our different legislative bodies with a solemn protest against ALL WAR, as being The following year witnessed a curious in principle opposed to morality, religion, phenomenon. The great National Petition and human happiness. 2. That we request was being prepared, and a convention of them to use their influence with the na-working-men was called at London to watch tions of the world to establish a CONFER- over it. This convention, in which William ENCE OF NATIONS, to be composed of three Lovett was a prominent figure, sat as a sort or more representatives, chosen by the peo- of Working-men's Parliament. It held its ple of their respective countries, to meet session here so long as "the Westminster annually, for the purpose of settling all na-institution" continued its session, and when tional disputes that may arise, by arbitra- the House of Commons adjourned, this other tion, without having recourse to war. 3. Commons adjourned its session to BirmingThat we urge on them to devote the enor- ham. Then occurred the "Battle of Birmous sums now expended in war and war-mingham." The authorities of that city like preparations to the education and improvement of the people of their respective countries. 4. That we impress on them the necessity of setting an example to other nations of that justice, forbearance, morality, and religion which they preach the necessity of to their own people. 5. That we earnestly beseech them to set the bounds of justice to their acquisitions of territory, and seek to amend their institutions and improve the condition of their people." In conveying these propositions Mr. Lovett wrote: "We class our late wars in China and Afghanistan, with the war you are now. waging in Algeria, as unjust wars, the pow er of might being immorally exercised in all, as it always is when force and destruction take the place of reason and justice." It was out of such appeals as these sent to the various nations of Europe that there grew those International societies whose history disputed the right of the Working-men's Parliament to assemble in a certain public place known as "the Bull Ring," and, their arguments not being very strong, they sent to London for a body of police to supplement their logic. The posse, on its arrival, immediately proceeded to make an indiscriminate assault upon the crowd of men, women, and children attending the convention, many of them suffering severely. The convention passed three resolutions expressing a somewhat emphatic opinion against the legality of this proceeding. Lovett, who wrote the resolutions, was arrested on a charge of "libeling the police," and a friend of his, John Collins, a toolmaker, was arrested for having taken the resolutions to the printer who printed them. These two men were taken to Warwick jail, stripped and dressed in prison clothes, had their hair cropped, and then were put with 373 women from punishment any more than felons-all without having undergone even the form of a trial! So far did the audacity of Toryism go only thirty-five years ago. The two men petitioned Parliament against this treatment, and so managed to get out of prison on bail in a thousand pounds each. At their trial at the Warwick Sessions Lovett defended himself-declining all counsel -and his eloquent speech was received throughout the country with enthusiasm. But it was this very response on the part of the masses which rendered the conviction of the two prisoners inevitable. Several of the jury were heard to say on the eve of the trial that they wished "all the Chartists were hanged," so we must regard it as a piece of moderation that they only sentenced the men to twelve months' imprisonment. On the evening after William Lovett's trial, when his little bucket of gruel was served out to him, he took up a black beetle in the first spoonful, and this filled him with such loathing that he lived for some time on bread soaked in water. This brought on illness, under which he came near sinking; but the visiting magistrates, seeing his condition, ordered him to be taken to the hospital, and made his friends acquainted with the state of his health. This led to an improvement in his circumstances; but still the fact that he had brought to light, in a petition to Parliament, a number of the indignities which he had suffered in his previous imprisonment (before trial) had enraged the prison authorities, and they made his stay as disagreeable as possible, among oth-tuous mother. Seeing, then, that so much er things compelling him to go for the first six months without animal food. Having, by petitioning the minister of the day, been allowed pen, ink, and paper and a few books, Mr. Lovett wrote in Warwick jail his most important work, which was published when he emerged into freedom again. It was entitled Chartism; or, a New Organization of the People. Its object was to induce the Chartists of the United Kingdom to form themselves into a national association for the erection of halls and schools of various kinds, the establishment of libraries, and the printing of documents and sending out lecturers with the view of creating an enlightened public opinion. This work contains one of the first claims ever made in England for the political enfranchisement A considerable portion of the book is taken of women, and it is one which, if.only because of its date (1841) and the place where up with a detailed description of the school it was written, deserves to be quoted. It system which the prisoner proposed for the is as follows: "In the plan of the National nation. First, there was to be an infant Association we have provided for the admis-school, where the teaching was to be by obsion of female members on the same conditions as males; and as some prejudices exist on the subject of female education, and especially against their obtaining any knowledge of politics, it may be necessary to give a few reasons in favor of our proposition. As regards politics, the law does not exempt of our early education depends on the mental and moral qualities of women, should we not labor, by every means in our power, to qualify them for these important duties? And when, in addition to these considerations, we take into account how much of men's happiness depends upon the minds and dispositions of women, how much of comfort, cheerfulness, and affection their intelligence can spread in the most humble home, how many cares their prudence can prevent, and their sympathy and kindness alleviate, it ought to redouble our anxiety to promote the education and contend for the social and political rights of women." The writer of this has lived to see a bill to secure suffrage for women introduced into the House of Commons by an eminent Tory! ject lessons, and where physical culture was to be of paramount importance; next, a preparatory school, where reading, writing, and the rudiments of science should be taught, and children made to describe in writing scenes they had witnessed, or visits, etc., with accuracy, and drawing taught; and finally a high school, in which the previous studies should be carried forward, and the student led to reflect upon all he has learned, and learn the means of communicating knowledge. Each student is to give a lecture upon some subject to the rest, suitable time for preparation being allowed. Each one is also to be encouraged to make collections of books, maps, plants, minerals, shells, pictures, or other things, according to his or her tastes. There is then to be an agricultural school, an industrial school, etc., and the pupils are to pass gradually from the preparation to the work of life. When William Lovett had come out of prison and published his book, a number of working-men induced him to set about the task of organizing such a National Association as he had described, and he endeavored to do so; whereupon he was bitterly assailed by Fergus O'Connor and his disciples, who declared that it was a plan for destroying the power of O'Connor and subverting his "Land Scheme." However, many of the London working-men joined themselves together and formed the Association, and in connection with it a hall was fitted up in Holborn. In that hall lectures were given for many years by W. J. Fox, J. H. Parry, Thomas Cooper, and others, and secular schools also carried on. A publican, however, purchased this National Hall-beer always being able to command more capital than education-and it became a music-hall and gin palace. During the years in which Mr. Lovett conducted the schools in the National Hall he published his excellent manual, Elementary Anatomy and Physiology, finely illustrated with colored plates, and also a little volume entitled Social and Political Morality. Both of these are excellent schoolbooks. When his own schools were closed, He Mr. Lovett was employed to teach physiology in St. Thomas's Charter-house School and at St. Bartholomew's Grammar School. continued so at work, and with great success, until compelled by increasing infirmities to cease from such labors. And now, in closing this my brief account of the life of one of the most faithful and wise men whom it has been my fortune to know, I will only add that William Lovett appears to me a strictly representative man. It is unhappily true that the masses of English working people are coarse, ignorant, and intemperate; but it is equally true that wherever efforts have been made to educate and elevate them, the results have revealed possibilities in them and aspirations of pathetic significance. It is to be feared that it is Giant Despair who crushes so many English men and women down into misery and animalism. There never were so many families passing through the world whose lives are so unvisited by rays of beauty, and whose horizon is so starless. Yet here in the Work ing-men's College, founded by Dr. Maurice, the neighboring college for working men and women, the New Hall of Science (where Mr. Bradlaugh and the secularists are at work), we have seen nearly every person who has entered them developing talent, rapidly gaining knowledge, abandoning every bad habit, and becoming a marked influence among his or her fellow-laborers. Seeing the mass, one would say that they had been bred for their place of inferiority and subjection as short-horns are bred, or according to some force of natural selection; but the stock easily reveals its sturdy nature, and breaks out with varieties and faculties under comparatively little culture. There are several score of working-men in London who have gained influence as thinkers, leaders, orators, and they all have faith in the future of their class. A few of these have, indeed, by the exquisite flavor of mind and character, reminded me sometimes of Victor Hugo's idea that the great "dynasty" of the future was to be attained when the lower classes are united to the poets and philosophers. "The people in combination with men of genius-this will be the voltaic pile of civilization." With what thirst do these working-men pore over Ruskin and Huxley, Carlyle and Emerson! But among the men of the working class who have acquired culture and position I have known none who has appeared to me a finer prophecy of the future of the English laboring-man than William Lovett. CAWS AND EFFECT. No wild, Coleridgean ramblers they All over the realm of laws- A clear, profound, deliberate, sound A theologue in a cassock clad, With a choker under his jaws A fish-hawk lit on the topmost limb And when, at the close, the congress rose, And what they said, as they flew o'erhead, No longer in me, O Philosophy, In spite of thy laws, here's a chain of caws, "With Flournoy, who was going to call at Colonel Percy's. Reason-Percy has a typical Southern belle for a daughter." "Ah," said I, "Cordelia." sake of Lesley Garland, who was my niece and companion and nurse. Being stronger than I was, he had not been driven from Florida by the first approach of heat, but had remained behind to explore swamps and shores and fastnesses at leisure. Consequently I had reached Denverton at least a month or six weeks before him, and had had time to learn something of its inhabitants before his arrival; and the most important members of its society being the Percys, I knew something of them. So I naturally theorized as I observed his utter lassitude of mind as far as the belle of Denverton was concerned. But I kept my theorizing to myself, and only broke the silence with a commonplace question: "Have you seen Cordelia Percy ?" "Nor her father?" "No." "Exactly," he answered; "and that is just why I am not interested. They are not so picturesque. For my part, I feel myself defrauded. Fiction gave me my planter served up hot and strong, with his "Well," I remarked, "let me tell you that you will find them interesting-or ought to. "I suppose so," drowsily. "At least they They are truly typical Southerners, not the call her Delia. One is constantly hearing lavish, slave-owning, magnolia-shaded order her spoken of by masculine Denverton-the one reads of, but a type of a much larger young men of our first families,' you know. class; not quite so romantic and picturThey dance with her, they call on her, they | esque, but far more true to life." ride with her, and escort her upon all occasions. The best waltzer, the best rider, the wearer of the smallest shoe, is Delia Percy." I leaned back in my chair and looked at him in a theorizing mood. He actually was half asleep. He plainly was not at all pre-plantation and his Panama hat and his diapossessed. It was evident his subject even repelled him somewhat. And yet he was young, complacent, and appreciative enough at times; and his very vanity, of which he had an abundance, might have roused him to some interest in a type of youth and beau-geratedly rich planter, and maltreated his ty so new to him as was Delia Percy's. It was not a common every-day sentiment, the friendship which existed between this young man and myself; on the contrary, it was a little whimsical. He was rich, and I was poor; he was physically strong, and I was a species of valetudinarian; he was thirty, and I was sixty-five. And yet, despite these facts, I have conceit enough to be convinced that it was not wholly on the account of my fair relative Lesley Garland that he professed to like me and visited me so frequently. There were other foundations for our intimacy apart from Lesley Garland, who in some cases might have been considered foundation enough. We had lived in the same Northern city; we had known the same people; we had revolved in the same circle; and last, but by no means least, we had neither of us visited the South until the past winter, when I had migrated for the sake of my health, and he had followed me, partially for my own sake, partially for the sake of the novelty, and partially, I admit, for the bolical overseer; but fact dilutes him to such an extent that I fail to recognize him, and scorn to accept him as my ideal when I do. My early education taught me to believe that every Southerner was an exag slaves; but experience roughly robs me of the sweet delusion, and forces upon me a predominant element of Colonel.Percys and Miss Cordelias. Is it not natural that I should be inclined to repudiate a substitute for my planter who is only a splenetic politician, and a lawyer given to lofty hyperbole and references to the by-gone days of Southern chivalry? And as to Miss Cordelia, when I have seen her waltz and ride, and admired her willowy figure, and wondered at the smallness of her shoe, have I not exhausted her resources and my own ingenuity? Don't you remember Miss Belle Hildebrand, who had eyes like a houri, and sang songs with choruses out of tune?" I certainly did remember her, and notwithstanding my appreciation of certain fine, warm, subtle qualities in her, I could not help but confess in secret that my poor beautiful Cordelia belonged, in spite of herself, to the same school. And I winced unpleasantly at the mere thought. Having condescended to rouse himself so far as to discuss the point, in my opinion |