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The different species of tribute which the Persian monarchs received, may be illustrated from a curious document taken verbatim from a register made by Ahmed Ebn Mohammed, Ebn Abdul Hamed, employed in the finances during the khalifate of the renowned Abou Abdallah al Mamoun,

REVENUE OF THE KHALIF AL MAMOUN.

In natural productions and effects.

From Bahrein, 200 rich habits.

From the district of Thenetan, 240 rotoli of terra Sigillala, each rotolus at 130 drachms, (about half a pound weight.)

Ahwaz, sugar, 30,000 rotoli.

Kerman, 500 rich habits; dates, 20,000 rotoli; sind, (probably senna,) 1000 rotoli; Indian aloes, 150 rotoli.

Fars, 5000 bottles of rose-water; 10,000 rotoli of olive oil.

Sigistan, 5000 pieces of brocade; 20,000 rotoli of sugar.

Khorassan, 2000 plates of silver; 4000 horses; 1000 slaves; 27,000 pieces of silk stuffs; 3000 rotoli of myrobolans.

Djordjan, 1000 bundles of silk.
Khoremis, 1000 plates of silver.

Tabristan, Rouyan, Nehavend, 600 carpets; 200 robes; 500 habits; 300 handkerchiefs; and 300 napkins for the bath.

Rei, 20,000 rotoli of honey.

Hamadan, 1000 rotoli of preserves, called roboss pomegranates; 120,000 rotoli of the purest honey.

Moussoul, 1000 rotoli of white honey. Kilan, 1000 slaves; 200 borachios of honey; 10 pieces; 20 robes.

Armenia, 20 carpets; 10,000 rotoli of oranges; 200 mules.

Kinnisrin, 1000 loads of dried raisins.
Palestine, 500,000 rotoli of dried raisins.
Africa, 120 carpets.

The essouad of the districts of Basra gave in grain, the value of

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In money.

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Kordidjle

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Dirhems⭑

27,780,000

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The entire revenue of the khalifate, therefore, was 276,503,000 dirhems, and 3,826,000 dinars; which if we reckon the dirhem equal to fourtenths of a dinar, or the dinar equal to threesevenths of a dirhem, will give about the sum of 280,000,000 dirhems. It is impossible to estimate this sum in English money correctly, because the true value of the dirhem is unknown; but estimating it at its most probable value, four shillings, it will give the sum of 56,000,000l. sterling, or 2,000,000l. less than the revenue of Alexander from his Persian conquests.

Taking the above document as indicative of the revenues of Persia, it would appear that the statement of Herodotus, namely, that the revenues of that empire fell short of three millions sterling, was incorrect. It might be, that no more was paid in money; but in the fruits of the earth, etc., a very large revenue accrued to the kings of Persia. This would solve a difficulty at which so many stumble, rightly deeming it a wonder, how so vast an empire could be conducted with so small a revenue. And this wonder is increased when we reflect how immensely rich the monarchs of Persia were. Each province, it would appear, had its peculiar treasure and treasurer. Both sacred and profane history 14,800,000 bear testimony to this fact, and from the large 11,600,000 sums which Alexander found in several provinces 20,800,000 of Persia, when he overthrew that mighty em4,800,000 pire, it is evident that their treasures were in23,000 deed vast. Curtius, Diodorus Siculus, Arrian, 27,000,000 and Plutarch, concur in saying that in Arbela, 4,200,000 Susa, Persepolis, Pasagardæ, and Ecbatana, he 400,000 found 312,600 talents, (about seventy millions of 11,500,000 our money,) besides a quantity of uncoined sil4,000,000 ver and other coins. If these sums were col28,000,000 lected from the tribute, then it is evident that 12,000,000 the revenues of the kings of Persia were greater 1,500,000 than those represented by Herodotus. Accord6,300,000 ing to Rennell, the revenue of India, under 12,000,000 Aurengzebe, amounted to 32,000,000l. sterling, 11,800,000 and this was by no means so vast an empire as 1,700,000 that of Persia. Sir John Malcolm, in his history 6,000,000 of Persia, rates the present revenue at 3,000,000l. 4,000,000 sterling, and observes that the revenue under 24,000,000 Darius was similar. At the same time he blames 4,000,000 Dr. Robertson for not crediting Herodotus, conThe dirhem is supposed to have been in value four cerning the Persian revenue, forgetting that the shillings. revenue of a modern state, not the fifth part

Holwan

Ahwaz.

Fars.

Kerman

Mekran

Sind

Sigistan

Jorjan

Kumis.

Khorassan

Tabristan, Rouyan, and Nehavend

Rei

Hamadan.

District between Basra and Cufar.

Sheheressoul

Masanderan.

Moussoul.

Aderbijan

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of that which constituted the empire of Darius, and perhaps in its present desolated and depopulated state, not the tenth of the population, is no rule for fixing that of Darius Hystaspes. But Herodotus himself bears testimony to the fact of revenues being paid in kind. There were contributions, he says, made for the furnishing victuals and provision for the king's table and household: grain, forage, and other necessaries, for the subsistence of his armies; and horses for the remounting of his cavalry. Of the province of Babylon, he observes, that it furnished the whole contributions for four months. This, therefore, would account for the apparently small sum paid to the kings of Persia. They were furnished with the necessaries of life for themselves, their household, and their armies; and hence, the gold of their subjects was not required at their hands. And this may be adduced as a proof of the wisdom, moderation, and humanity of the Persian government. Without doubt they had observed how difficult it is for the people, situated in countries not benefited by commerce, to convert their goods into money without suffering losses; whereas nothing can tend to render the taxes more easy, and to shelter the people from vexation, trouble, and expense, as the taking in payment from each country such fruits and commodities as it produces. By this means the contribution becomes easy, natural, and equitable.

In this

"You give as if you were the Persian king; Your land does not so large revenues bring." Which testifies at once to the largeness of their revenues and their liberality.

But under whatever system of taxation ancient Persia might have been, it would appear that its subjects were very prosperous. This may be collected from the prodigious wealth of individuals. In the reign of Xerxes, a noble Lydian entertained the whole Persian army, the largest ever assembled, on its march towards Greece, and then freely offered to contribute all his property in gold and silver to the support of the war this amounted to about four millions of our money, which the monarch refused. In the next reign, that of Ahasuerus, Haman offered to pay into the treasury, to indemnify the king for the loss of revenue which he would sustain by the destruction of the Jews, 10,000 talents of silver, above two millions of our money, which this monarch likewise refused. Esth. iii. 9—11.

These instances, says Dr. Hales, of the prodigious wealth of provincial subjects, and even of captives, (for such were the Amalekites originally, and such was the origin of Haman,) are highly creditable to the liberality of the Persian government, which appears, upon the whole, to have been the least oppressive of the great ancient empires. The Jews, especially, were treated with much greater lenity and indulgence under the Persian sway, than they had been before under the Babylonian, and were afterwards under the Macedo-Grecian and the Ro

man.

History, says Heeren, has afforded a remarkable instance of the manner in which the imposts were collected by their officers or satraps. When the Persians had subdued Ionia the second time, It must be recollected, however, that the the whole territory was measured out by para-wealth of Haman arose from his personal consangs, and the tribute paid accordingly. case it was evidently a land-tax, which, however, was paid, for the most part, in produce. The satrap received these imposts, whether in kind or in money, and, after providing for his own expenditure, the support of the king's troops, and the maintenance of the civil magistrates, the remainder was handed over to the king. The personal interest of the satrap, if he wished to retain the king's favour, prompted him to make this return as considerable as possible, even if no precise amount was fixed.

From all this it may be seen, that the revenues of the Persian empire were not so trifling as would appear, at first sight, from the statement of Herodotus. And when it is considered that there were certain districts set apart for the maintenance of the queen's toilet and wardrobe, and another for her girdle, veil, etc., and that these districts were of great extent, they will appear still more weighty. Sometimes, indeed, as we have seen, (page 27,) the kings of Persia made their especial favourites become chargeable to certain districts and cities. All these charges would make, therefore, a very considerable amount if added together. And it would matter but little, who received the fruits of these districts, whether the king, the queen, or his favourites; they might all be said to be collected for the support of the state. That the revenues of Persia were considered very ample in ancient times, may be gathered from the fact that they are noticed as such by ancient poets. Thus Persius, in his epistle to Cæsius Bassus, says :

nexion with the Persian court, as did that of Nehemiah. Haman was chief minister of the king, and that functionary enjoys peculiar opportunities of acquiring wealth. Such is the case at the present day. Morier says, that on New year's-day, the king receives the offerings of his princes and nobles, and that on one occasion, when he was present, the offering of the person holding this office surpassed every other in value, amounting to about 30,000l. in gold coin.

The manner of delivering these presents, which the pride of oriental despotism determines to be tribute, is thus described by the same writer: "The first ceremony was the introduction of the presents from different provinces. That from prince Hossein Ali Mirza, governor of Shiraz, came first. The master of the ceremonies walked up, having with him the conductor of the present, and an attendant, who, when the name and titles of the donor had been proclaimed, read aloud from a paper a list of the articles. The present from prince Hossein Ali Mirza consisted of a very long train of large trays placed on men's heads, on which were shawls, stuffs of all sorts, pearls, etc.; then many trays filled with sugar and sweetmeats; after that, many mules laden with fruits, etc. next present was from Mohammed Ali Khan, prince of Hamadan, the eldest born of the king's sons. His present accorded with the character which is assigned him. It consisted of pistols and spears, a string of one hundred camels, and as many mules. After this, came the present of

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All Asiatic nations were great warriors. Among these nations, the Persians were not the least remarkable for their military genius. This might arise in part from the situation of their country, which is rugged and mountainous. From this circumstance, they were accustomed to hard and frugal living, which imparts that ruggedness to the nature of man so essential to form the warrior. And there being no softening influences in the general manners, and in the religion of the Persians, their minds became accustomed to the deadly strife, and their hands skilful in the terrible art. Hence it was that the Persians, in due time, became masters of so many nations; for, in the course of nature, the strong must prey upon the weak. Their brute force exceeded that of other nations, and they were enabled thereby to render them tributary. This is the awful picture of man by nature in all ages of the world.

"As rolls the river into ocean,

In sable torrent, widely streaming; As the sea-tide's opposing motion,

In azure column proudly gleaming,
Beats back the current many a rood,
In curling foam and mingling flood;
While eddying whirl and breaking wave,
Roused by the blast of winter, rave;
Through sparkling spray, in thundering clash,
The lightnings of the waters flash
In awful whiteness on the shore,

That shines and shakes beneath the roar :
Thus as the streams and ocean greet
With waves that madden as they meet,
Thus join the bands whom mutual wrong
And reckless fury drive along."

According to Strabo, the Persians were trained up to the service from their tender years, by passing through different exercises, as riding, hunting, and handling the bow. As soon as they were able to bear arms, they were obliged to enter themselves in the list of soldiers, but they received no pay till they were twenty years of age. In war times, they were all bound, on pain of death, except such as were disabled by age or infirmity, to appear under their respective standards, and attend the king in his expeditions. This may be gathered from two incidents related

⚫ A gold coin, worth about twelve shillings each.

by Herodotus. One of these incidents will suffice for illustration. The same Pythius who had entertained Xerxes with so much magnificence, and who had offered all his wealth in support of the war which that monarch was going to wage against Greece, being intimidated by the prodigy of an eclipse, and deriving confidence from the liberality he had shown to Xerxes, thus addressed him: "Sir," said he, "I entreat a favour no less trifling to you, than important to myself." Xerxes promised to grant it; and Pythius, thus encouraged, continued: "Sir, I have five sons, who are all with you in this Grecian expedition; I would entreat you to pity my age, and dispense with the presence of the eldest. Take with you the four others, but leave this to manage my affairs, and may you return in safety after the accomplishment of your wishes." Pythius had no sooner uttered this request, than the haughty monarch, transported with rage, and forgetful both of his own promise, and the merits of Pythius, commanded his eldest son to be slain. Such was the nature of oriental despotism.

Herodotus speaks of a body of troops appointed to be the king's guard, who were called "the immortals." They derived this name from the circumstance of their body always consisting of the same number, 10,000; for as soon as one died, another was selected to fill his place. The establishment of this body very probably had its origin with the 10,000 whom Cyrus sent for out of Persia to be his guard. They were distinguished by the richness of their armour, and by their valour. Curtius mentions another body, consisting of 15,000 men, designed in like manner to guard the monarch: these were called Doryphori, or spearmen.

The ordinary arms of the Persians were a sabre, or scimitar, acinaces, as the Latins call them; a kind of dagger, which hung in their belt on the right side; and a javelin, or pike, having a sharp pointed iron at the end. They also made great use of the bow, and the sling was not unknown amongst them. The Persians, when engaged in war, wore on the head a tiara, or head-piece, so thick that it was proof against all offensive arms. The foot soldiers, for the most part, wore cuirasses made of brass, which were so artificially fitted to their bodies, that they did not impede the motion and agility of the different members. The horsemen wore vambraces, or greaves, which covered their arms, thighs, and legs. Their horses had their faces, chests, and flanks covered with brass.

Concerning the shields of the Persians, there is much difference of opinion. It would appear, however, that they at first made use of very small and light ones, made only of twigs of osier. Afterwards, they had shields of brass, which were of great length.

Before the age of Cyrus, the Persian and Median armies consisted chiefly of archers, and those who used missile weapons. These he reduced to a very few, arming the rest at all points, that they might be able to meet in close combat. To Cyrus is ascribed also the introduction of chariots of war among the Persians. These had been long time in use, as appears both from sacred and profane writers. Homer, describing an ancient war-chariot, says:

"Hebe to the chariot rolled

The brazen wheels, and joined them to the smooth
Steel axle: twice four spokes divided each,
Shot from the centre to the verge. The verge
Was gold, by fellies of eternal brass
Guarded, a dazzling show! The shining naves
Were silver; silver cords, and cords of gold,
The seat upbore; two crescents blazed in front.
The pole was argent all, to which she bound
The golden yoke with its appendant charge,
Inserted braces, straps, and bands of gold."

This extract exhibits the great perfection to which the art of chariot-building had attained before the days of Cyrus. These chariots had only two wheels, and were generally drawn by four horses abreast, with two men in each; one of distinguished valour, who engaged the enemy, and another to guide the chariot. Cyrus altered the form of the chariot, and thereby enabled both the driver of the chariot and the warrior to He also caused the engage in the combat. chariots to be made stronger, and the axle-trees of greater length than usual, in order to prevent their overturning. History records, moreover, that he was the first who affixed that deadly weapon, the scythe, to the chariot, of which such cruel use was made in after ages. At a later date, the Persians added iron spikes at the end of the pole, in order to pierce every thing that came in the way, and sharp knives at the hinder part of the chariot, to prevent any one from taking possession, or meeting their warriors on their own ground. These chariots were used many ages by the eastern nations, and they were looked upon as the principal strength of armies, as an ensurance of victory, and as an apparatus best calculated to inspire terror into the hearts of the enemy. In proportion, however, as the military art improved, inconveniences were discovered in them, and they were finally laid aside. For in order to reap any advantage from them, it was necessary that vast and extensive plains, devoid of rivulets, woods, or vineyards, should be the scene of the strife. And even in such places, they eventually became useless. Man, ever fruitful in invention for the preservation of his own life and the destruction of his foes, in order to counteract the evils attendant upon these terrible machines of mischief, discovered that the cutting of trenches rendered them of no avail. This was accordingly executed, and the war-chariot was stopped mid-way in its course. Sometimes, also, the opposing force would attack the chariots with slingers, archers, and spearmen, who, spreading themselves on every hand, would pour such a storm of stones, arrows, and lances upon them, accompanying the attack with fearful war-eries, that they terrified the horses, and often made them turn upon their own forces. At other times, they would render the chariots useless and incapable of operation by simply marching over the space which separated the two armies with extraordinary alacrity, and advancing upon the enemy before they had time to put them in motion; for the strength and execution of the war-chariots proceeded from the length of their course. This it was which gave that impetuosity to their motion, without which they were harm less. To the impetuosity with which the warchariot was wont to be urged onwards in war

there are several interesting allusions in Holy Writ, to which the reader is referred. See Psa. civ. 3; Isa. lxvi. 15; Sol. Song vi. 12; Hab. iii. 8.

The method used by Cyrus, in order to obtain perfect discipline among his soldiers in times of peace, was by inuring them to fatigue, and keeping them employed in laborious works. To prepare them for battle, he accustomed them to mock engagements, in which he inspired them with resolution and courage by exhortation, commendation, and reward.

When the Persians went on an expedition, their wives, mothers, and children followed the

camp; a custom which was observed among all

oriental nations. The motive for this custom was to inspire them with courage, lest they should lose every thing that was dear to them in life. Their provisions and baggage were carried on camels, the soldiers simply bearing their arms.

The manner in which the Persians marched may be gathered from the description which Herodotus gives of the march of the army of Xerxes from Sardis. "First of all went those who had the care of the baggage; these were followed by a promiscuous body of strangers of all nations, without any regularity, but to the amount of more than half the army. After these was a considerable interval, for these did not join the troops where the king was. Next came 1000 horse, the flower of the Persian army, who were succeeded by the same number of spearmen, in like manner selected, trailing their pikes upon the ground. Behind these were ten sacred horses, called Nisæan,* with very superb trappings. The sacred car of Jupiter was next in the procession. It was drawn by eight white horses, behind which, on foot, was the charioteer, with the reins in his hands, for no mortal was permitted to sit in this car. Then came Xerxes himself in a chariot drawn by Nisæan horses; by his side sate his charioteer, whose name was Patiramphes, son of Otanes the Persian.

"Such was the order in which Xerxes departed from Sardis; but as often as occasion required he left his chariot for a common carriage.† One thousand of the first and noblest Persians attended his person, bearing their spears according to the custom of their country; and 1000 horse, selected like the former, immediately succeeded. A body of 10,000 chosen infantry came next; 1000 of these had at the extremity of their spears a pomegranate of gold; the remaining 9000, whom the former enclosed, had in the same manner pomegranates of silver. They who preceded Xerxes, and trailed their spears, had their arms decorated with gold; they who followed him had pomegranates of gold; these 10,000 foot were followed by an equal number of Persian cavalry. At an interval of about a quarter of a mile, followed a numerous, irregular, and promiscuous multitude."

* Suidas says that these horses were also remarkable for swiftness. See page 24, which speaks of the Nisæan horses.

+ Larcher remarks that the Harmamaxe was a carriage appropriated to females. Lucretius says that the first heroes were mounted on horses, for chariots were a more modern invention. His words are,

"Mounted on well rein'd steeds in ancient time,
Before the use of chariots was brought in,
The first brave heroes fought."

When the Persians made war upon any nation, they preceded it by sending heralds, or ambassadors, to demand earth and water; that is, to command them to submit, and acknowledge the king of Persia as their lord. Xerxes made this demand of the Greeks, and among those who complied with his demand, or acknowledged his sway, were the Thessalians, Dolopians, Enians, the Peræbi, Locri, Magnetes, Melians, Achæans of Pthiotis, Thebans, and the rest of the people of Boetia, except the Thespians and Platæans. This manner of declaring war was borrowed from the Medes, and the Medes seem to have imitated the Assyrians in this respect, as appears from the book of Judith, chap. ii.

In the time of action, the kings of Persia were always in the centre; and according to Stobæus, they used to encourage their soldiers with a speech. The signal was given by the sound of the trumpet, which was followed by a shout of the whole army. The watch-word was in use among the Persians; for Xenophon, speaking of Cyrus, tells us that his was, "Jupiter, our leader and protector." The royal banner was a spread eagle of gold, carried on the point of a long spear. They appear to have reckoned those happy who died in the field; and they inflicted exemplary punishments on such as abandoned their posts, or deserted their colours. Justin says that they used no stratagems, and despised advantages that did not result from valour; that is, as Ammianus Marcellinus well expresses it, they thought it unjust to steal a victory.

The celebrated battle of Thymbra conveys a just idea of the tactics of the ancients in the days of Cyrus, and shows how far their ability extended in the use of arms and the disposition of armies. The reader will find this described in the life of Cyrus.

The manner of mustering among the Persians was very remarkable. Before they took the field, they passed before the king, or his general, each man throwing an arrow into a basket. These baskets were sealed up with the regal signet till they returned from the campaign, when they passed muster in the same manner, every one taking an arrow out of the same basket. When they were all passed, the remaining arrows were counted, and from their number they knew how many had fallen. This ancient custom continued to the days of Procopius, who relates it in his account of the wars of the Persians.

Such was the mode of ancient Persian warfare in the open field. Their sieges were conducted with great skill. In them we trace the same fundamental rules of fortification as are exhibited in modern warfare. It is true, that since the invention of that fearful combustible, gunpowder, (about A.D. 1320,) cannons have been substituted for the battering ram, and musket shot for balista, catapultæ, scorpions, slings, javelins, and arrows; but with this exception, the ancients made as much use of their inventive faculties for ensuring victory as do the moderns. At all events, they made as much of the solidity of bodies, and the mechanical powers of motion, as art and ingenuity would admit. They understood, also, the art of entrenchment, of scaling the walls, and of fortifying those walls with

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But the Persians were not always so celebrated in this fearful art. Bossuet, speaking of the decline of their power, says: "After the death of Cyrus, the Persians, generally speaking, were ignorant of the advantages that result from discipline, skill in drawing up an army, order in marching and encamping, and, in short, that happiness of conduct which puts great bodies in motion without disorder or confusion. Full of a vain ostentation of their power and greatness, and relying more upon strength than prudence, upon the number, rather than the choice of their troops, they thought they had done all that was necessary when they had drawn together immense armies, who fought, indeed, with resolution, but without order; and who found themselves encumbered with the vast multitudes of useless persons who formed the retinue of the king and his chief officers. For to such a height was their luxury grown, that they would needs have the same magnificence, and enjoy the same pleasure and delights in the army as in the king's court; so that in their wars the kings marched accompanied with their wives, their concubines, and their eunuchs. Their silver and gold plate, and their gorgeous furniture were carried after them in prodigious quantities; and, in short, all the equipage and utensils a voluptuous life requires. An army composed in this manner, and already clogged with the excessive number of troops, was overburdened with the multitude of attendants. In this confusion, the troops could not act in concert; their orders failed to reach them in time, and in action every thing went on at random, without the possibility of remedy from the skill of the commander. Add to this, the necessity they were under of finishing an expedition quickly, and of passing into an enemy's country with great rapidity; because such a vast body of people, greedy not only of the necessaries of life, but of such things, also, as were requisite for luxury and pleasure, consumed every thing that could be met with in the country they occupied in a short time; nor, indeed, it easy to comprehend from whence they could procure subsistence.

"With all this vast train, however, the Persians astonished those nations that were not better acquainted with military affairs than themselves; and many of those that were more expert were yet overcome by them, being either weakened by internal dissensions, or overpowered by the numbers of their foes. By this means it was, that Egypt, proud as she was of her antiquity, her wise institutions, and the conquests of Sesostris, became subject to the Persians. Nor was it difficult for them to conquer Lesser Asia, and even such Greek colonies as the luxury of Asia had corrupted. But when they came to engage with Greece itself, they found, what they had never met with before, regular and well-disciplined troops, skilful and experienced commanders, soldiers accustomed to temperance, whose bodies were inured to toil and labour, and rendered robust and active by wrestling and other exercises practised in that country. The Grecian armies, indeed, were but small; but they were

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