by the Athenians from the spoils of Marathon, and the western with similar trophies taken by the Etolians from the Gauls; while among the subjects of the metopes are mentioned Hercules slaying the Lernean Hydra, Bellerophon and the Chimæra, Zeus and Mimas, Pallas and Enceladus, and Dionysus and a Giant. In the pronaos were inscribed the maxims of the Seven Sages of Greece; in the cella was the sacred hearth with a perpetual fire and the oupalós, or navel-stone, which was supposed to mark the centre of the world; and in the adytum was the sacred tripod and the subterranean chamber from which the vapour of prophecy ascended. Of less important buildings may be mentioned the Lesche, or public hall, the walls of which were adorned with the works of Polygnotus and other master-pieces of ancient art; the theatre, where the musical contests connected with the Pythian games were held; the Stadium, of which there are still considerable remains; and, in the suburb of the same name, the Pylaa, or assembly hall of the Amphictyonic Council. The town was entered from the east by a road from Boeotia known as the Schiste, or Cloven Way, and from the west by the great Crissean road, which was used by the pilgrims who came from the Corinthian Gulf, and by another which stretched north-west to Amphissa. These roads were regarded almost as the property of the temple, and shared in its sacredness; and each Amphictyonic state was bound to keep them in repair within its own boundaries. About seven miles to the north of the town, on the side of Mount Parnassus, was the famous Corycian cave, a large grotto in the limestone rock, which afforded the people of Delphi a refuge during the Persian invasion. It is now called in the district the Sarant' Aulai, or Forty Courts, and is said to be capable of holding 3000 people.

Of the origin of the Delphian oracle nothing is known. One legend told how the prophetic virtues of the site were discovered by a shepherd whose goats began to frisk about under the influence of the subterranean vapour; and another related how Apollo, after he had slain the great serpent Pytho on the spot, boarded a Cretan ship ir the neighbouring gulf, and consecrated the crew to his service. It seems almost certain that the place was the seat of a religious establishment previous to its connection with the worship of Apollo; but its whole historic importance-which can hardly be over-estimated—is entirely due to this connection. The first temple of stone was reputed to have been built by the semi-mythical personages Trophonius and Agamedes. It was burned down in 548 B.C., but was soon after replaced by the building which has already been described. The contract for the work was taken by the Athenian family of the Alcmeonids, who were at that time in exile from the tyranny of Hippias. They employed the architect Spintharus, and acquired great credit for the disinterested liberality, with which they accomplished their task. The principal facts in the history of Delphi have already been narrated in the article AMPHICTYONY (vol. i. p. 772), where the reader will also find an account of the relation in which the temple stood to the states of Greece. It only remains to tell how the sanctuary and its treasures, which had been miraculously saved from the Persians and the Gauls, were put under contribution by Sulla for the payment of his soldiers; how Nero removed no fewer than 500 brazen images from the sacred precincts; and how Constantine the Great enriched his new city by the sacred tripods, the statues of the Heliconian Muses, the Apollo, and the celebrated Pan dedicated by the Greek cities after the conclusion of the war with the Medes. Julian afterwards sent Oribasius to restore the temple; but the oracle responded to the emperor's enthusiasm with nothing but a waii over the glory that had departed.

See Pausanias for detailed description of the town in the second century of the Christian era; the Ion of Euripides for many interesting descriptions; and among modern works Wilster, De religione et oraculo Apollinis Delphici, Copenhagen, 1827; Hullmann, Würdigung des Delphischen Orakels, 1837; Götte, Das Delphische Orakel, 1839; Curtius, Anecdota Delphica, 1843; Schliemann in Allgemeine Zeitung, 1874.

DELPHINIA, a festival of Apollo held annually on the 7th of the month Munychion (April) at Athens, where he was styled Delphinios. All that is known of the ceremonies is that a number of girls proceeded to his temple carrying suppliants' branches and seeking to propitiate Apollo, probably as a god having influence on the sea. was at this time of year that navigation opened again after the storms of winter.

DELTA. See PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

It

DELUC, JEAN André (1727–1817), geologist and meteorologist, born at Geneva, February 8, 1727, was descended from a family which had emigrated from Lucca and settled at Geneva in the 15th century. His father, François Deluc, was the author of some publications in refuta tion of Mandeville and other rationalistic writers, which are best known through Rousseau's humorous account of his ennui in reading them; and he gave his son an excellent education, chiefly in mathematics and natural science. On completing it he engaged in commerce, which principally occupied the first forty-six years of his life, without any other aterruption than that which was occasioned by some journeys of business into the nèighbouring countries, and few scientific excursions among the Alps. During these, however, he collected by degrees, in conjunction with his brother Guillaume Antoine, a splendid museum of mineralogy and of natural history in general, which was afterwards increased by his nephew André Deluc. He at the same time took a prominent part in politics. In 1768 he was sent to Paris on an embassy to the Duc de Choiseul, whose friendship he succeeded in gaining. In 1770 he was nominated one of the Council of Two Hundred. Three Feurs later unexpected reverses in business made it advisable for him to quit his native town, which he only revisited once for a few days. The change was welcome in so far as it set him entirely free for scientific pursuits, and it was with little regret that he removed to England in 1773. He was made a fellow of the Royal Society in the same year, and received the appointment of reader to Queen Charlotte, which he con tinued to hold for forty-four years, and which afforded him both leisure and a competent income. In the latter part of his life he obtained leave to make several tours in Switzerland, France, Holland, and Germany. In Germany he passed the six years from 1798 to 1804; and after his return he undertook a geological tour through England. When he was at Göttingen, in the beginning of his German tour, he received the compliment of being appointed honorary professor of geology in that university; but he never entered upon the active duties of a professorship. He was also a correspondent of the Academy of Sciences at Paris, and a member of several other scientific associations.

His favourite studies were geology and meteorology. The situation of his native country had naturally led him to contemplate the peculiarities of the earth's structure, and the properties of the atmosphere, as particularly displayed in mountainous countries, and as subservient to the measurement of heights. He inherited from his father a sincere veneration for the doctrines of Christianity, and a disposition to defend the Mosaic account of the creation against the criticism whose principal weapons were furnished by his favourite science. His royal patroness was most anxious to encourage and promote his labours in this field; and he was generally supposed to have had

great success in removing the objections which had been advanced by his antagonists against the comparatively recent formation of the present continents. According to Cuvier, he ranked among the first geologists of his age. His principal geological work, Lettres physiques et morales sur histoire de la terre (6 vols. 8vo, The Hague, 1778), was dedicated to Queen Charlotte. It dealt with the appearance of mountains and the antiquity of the human race, explained the six days of the Mosaic creation as so many epochs preceding the actual state of the globe, and attributes the deluge to the filling up of cavities supposed to have been left void in the interior of the earth. This attempt to reconcile religion and science, so often since repeated, was ingenious and for a time successful with most minds. The theory of the Mosaic days was maintained in one form or other by several later geologists of high repute, though it is scarcely now thought worth discussion by any to whom that title can justly be applied.

Deluc's original experiments relating to meteorology are more valuable to the natural philosopher than most of his geological work; and he discovered many facts of consider able importance relating to heat and moisture. He noticed the disappearance of heat in the thawing of ice about the same time that Black founded on it his ingenious hypothesis of latent heat. He ascertained that water was more dense about 40° Fahr. than at the temperature of freezing, expanding equally on each side of the maximum; and he was the originator of the theory afterward re-advanced by Dalton, that the quantity of aqueous vapour contained in any space is independent of the presence or density of the air, or of any other elastic fluid; though it appears difficult to reconcile this opinion with some of the experiments of Deluc's great rival, Saussure, a philosopher who, as he very candidly allows, made in many respects more rapid progress in hygrometry than himself. Deluc's comparative experiments on his own hygrometer and on Saussure's show only that both are imperfect; but it may be inferred from them that a mean between the two would in general approach much nearer to the natural scale than either taken separately. It appears also probable that Saussure's is rather less injured by time than Deluc's, which has been found to indicate an increasing amount of mean moisture every year.

Deluc was a man of warm feelings, and of gentle and obliging manners, and his literary and scientific merits, as well as his unremitting attention to the service of the queen, insured her respect and kindness. He saw her daily for many years, and in his last illness, which was long and painful, she showed him repeated marks of benevolent regard. He died at Windsor on the 7th of November 1817.

A brief notice of his more important works, in addition to that mentioned above, will give a clear idea of the nature and range of his scientific activity. His Recherches sur les modifications de l'Atmosphère (2 vols. 4to, Geneva, 1772; 4 vols. 8vo, Par. 1784), contains many accurate and ingenious experiments upon moisture, evaporation, and the indications of hygrometers and thermometers, applied to the barometer employed in determining heights. In the Phil. Trans., 1773, appeared his account of a new hygrometer, which resembled a mercurial thermometer, with an ivory bulb, which expanded by moisture, and caused the mercury to descend. The first correct rules ever published for measuring heights by the barometer were those he gave in the Phil. Trans., 1771, p. 158. His Lettres sur l'Histoire physique de la Terre (8vo, Par. 1798) were addressed to Professor Blumenbach. The substance had already appeared in the Journal de Physique, for 1790, 1791, and 1798. The volume contains an essay written for a prize at

Haarlem in 1791, but without success, on the existence of a General Principle of Morality. It also gives an interesting account of some conversations of the author with Voltaire and Rousseau. Deluc was an ardent admirer of Bacon, on whose writings he published two works,-Bacon tel qu'il est (8vo, Berlin, 1800), shewing the bad faith of the French translator, who had

omitted many passages favourable to revealed religion, and Précis teresting view of the progress of natural science. "Lettres sur l de la Philosophie de Bacon (2 vols. 8vo, Paris, 1802), giving an in Christianisme (Berlin and Hanover, 1801, 1803) was a controversial correspondence with Dr Teller of Berlin in regard to the Mosaic cosmogony. His Traité élémentaire de Géologie (8vo, Paris, 1809, also in English, by Delafite, the same year), was principally intended as a refutation of the Vulcanian system of Hutton and Flayfair, who deduced the changes of the earth's structure from the operation of fire, and attributed a higher antiquity to the present state of the continents than is required in the Neptunian system adopted by Deluc after Dolomieu. He sent to the Royal Society, in 1809, a long paper on separating the chemical from the electrical effect of the pile, with a description of the electric column and aerial electroscope, in which he advanced opinions so little in anison with the latest discoveries of the day, that the council deemed it inexpedient to admit them into the Transactions. He had, indeed, on other occasions shown somewhat too much scepticism in the rejection of new facts; and he had never been convinced even of Cavendish's all-important discovery of the composition of water. The paper was afterwards published in Nicholson's Journal (xxvi.), and the dry column described in it was constructed by various experimental philosophers. Many other of his papers on subjects kindred to those already mentioned are to be found in the Transactions and in the Philosophical Magazine. See Philosophical Magazine, November 1817.

DELUGE, a submersion of the world, related by various nations as having taken place in a primitive age, and in which all, or nearly all, living beings are said to have perished. By this definition we exclude all partial floods, and also the theory which would account for deluge-stories as exaggerations of traditions of local inundations. Upon a low level of culture, as Von Hahn has shown, the memory of the most striking events is hardly preserved even for a few generations. It is best therefore to regard the story of the deluge as a subdivision of the primitive man's cosmogony. The problem with which he had to deal was a complicated one,—given the eternity of matter to account for the origin of the world. The best solution which presented itself (and that only to the shrewder races) was to represent creation as having taken place repeatedly, and the world as having passed through a series of demolitions and reconstructions. (See COSMOGONY). This explains the confusion between the creation and the deluge noticed by various travellers, e.g., among the Iroquois and the Santals-a confusion, however, which is only apparent, for the deluge is, when thoroughly realized, practically a second creation. Thus Manui the hero of the Indian flood-story, was, by permission of Brahma, the creator of the present human race. Noah is called by Arabic writers "the second Adam," and Maui might with as good a right be called the Noah as the Adam of New Zealand. We, in the adult age of the world, have renounced those mythical forms of expression, but we still retain much of the feeling which prompted them. The wonder of creation is even to us constantly renewed in spring; to primitive man it was renewed in a special sense in each of the great world-cycles of mythology. We may lay it down, then, as a canon at the outset, that the various deluge-stories must be viewed in combination, and explained on a common principle. At the same time we must be careful not to confound different deposits" of tradition, and must regard primarily the earliest and most original forms of myths. As in the case of the cosmogonies, a few typical specimens will be ail that can here be described.

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I. Among the Semitic races the seniority belongs to the Babylonians. Till lately, the only version of their story known to us was that of Berosus (Müller, Fragmenta, il 501), who relates that the god Kronos appeared to Xisuthrus, tenth king of Babylon [cf. Noah, tenth patriarch] in a dream, and warned him of the coming deluge. The details remind us a good deal of the biblical narrative, except that Xisuthrus is also accompanied by a steersman and by his near friends. Even the thrice repeated letting-ont

upon which Ra repents, and swears with uplifted hand not to destroy mankind again.

IV. The deluge-story exists in several forms in Indian literature. It does not, however, appear to be a genuine Aryan myth, for there is no clear reference to it in the Rig Veda. The 'Satapatha Brahmana, where it first occurs, was written (Weber) not long before the Christian era. Another version, in which the lacunæ of the earlier one are filled up, is given in the Mahabharata, but this poem, though it existed in part before the Christian era, did not assume its present form till long afterwards. A third version, still more decidedly Indian in character, is given in the Bhagavata Purâna, but the earliest possible date of this work is the 12th century A.D., which deprives its account of the deluge of all claim to originality. It is worth noticing, however, that it agrees with the biblical narrative in two subordinate points-the introduction of animals into the ark or box, and the interval of seven days between the warning and its fulfilment. The principal feature of the oldest flood-story is the part assigned to the fish, which warns Manu of the deluge, and ultimately saves him by drawing his ship to a northern mountain. The selection of the fish (which is clearly divine) is so out of character with the most genuine portions of Aryan mythology that it proves the foreign origin of the Indian narrative, perhaps we may even say, the Semitic origin. Not that the fish-god is peculiar to the Semitic world, but that he is un-Indian, and can so easily have reached India from a Semitic source. If the Indians sent apes, sandalwood, and purple (both names and things) to Assyria, why should not the flood-story have been sent in exchange with other products of Mesopotamia? True, the fish does not appear in the present form of the Mesopotamian story, but it probably did appear in the original myth, for among the titles of the god who warned Tamzi (see above) are "fish of the abyss," "beneficent, saviour fish." admit the strong local colouring of the Indian story, which deceived even Weber (but not Burnouf), but this is exactly paralleled by the Hottentot colouring (Bleek) of several South African stories of Christian origin. Whether the early Iranians had a flood-story is perhaps uncertain, since the Avesta gives but little information respecting mythology, and it has not come down to us complete. But none was known to the Persians about 1000 A.D. (al-Biruní).

We

V. In Greece there appear to have been several floating Blood-stories, which in time became localized and attached to the names of heroes. They all represent the flood as destroying all but a few men, and even in their least original forms they still contain many peculiar features which can only have arisen from an independent exercise of the mythopoeic faculty. The most famous of them is that of Deucalion, and of this the earliest and simplest form is in Pindar (Olymp. ix. 64), who identifies the mountain where Deucalion and Pyrrha landed, and where without marriage they "gat themselves a race from stones" (not a late Greek etymological fancy, for it recurs among American tribes), with Mount Parnassus. Apollodorus (about 100 B.C.) has infused fresh life into this story, perhaps from a Semitic source; he extends the range of the flood to "most parts of Greece," and states that Deucalion (like Noah and Xisuthrus) offered sacrifice after the flood. Lucian (160 A.D.), laughing in his sleeve, gives a still more conspicuously Semitic account (De dea Syria, c. 12, 13), in which we hear for the first time of a great box," and of "children and wives," ," "swine and horses, and the kinds of lions and serpents, &c., all by pairs," as entering the ark. It was a confusion of this kind which led to the charge of Celsus, that the authors of the books of Moses had "put a new stimp on the story of Deucalion; "— -reason sufficient for

confining ourselves as much as possible to primitive versions of mythic narratives.

VI. America, which abounds in cosmogonies, is naturally not deficient in deluge-stories. Mr Catlin says, that

"

amongst 120 different tribes that he has visited in North and South and Central America, not a tribe exists that has not related to him distinct or vague traditions of such a calamity, in which one, or three, or eight persons were saved above the waters on the top of a high mountain (Okeepa, p. 2). It is extremely difficult to tell how far Christian influences may have determined the form of thesɔ stcries. When, for instance, we find such a peculiar point as the sending out of the birds to see whether the flood had abated. we are disinclined to build any argument on the circumstance. We do find, it is true, strange points of agreement between the Greek and the Polynesian myths, yet considering the vast extent of Christian missionary activity in America, we are bound to special caution.

In addition to this, the American deluge-stories convey an impression that they have lost much of their original accuracy. The Polynesian myths, on the contrary, are still almost as transparent as ever. But we shall have occasion to speak of these presently. Instead of proceeding further with a detailed examination of myths. let us briefly touch on three general questions arising out of the subject. (1.) Is the deluge-story found among all nations? The Egyptians and (probably) the Persians had none; and it is doubtful whether it exists in non-Mahometan Africa. Probably, too, large deductions should be made from the myths of savage tribes, on the ground of Christian influences, even when related by wellinformed travellers. (2.) Was the deluge-story propagated from a single centre ? An affirmative answer has often been returned, e.g., by Hugh Miller, Testimony of the Rocks, p. 282. It is impossible, however, to justify this from the mere fact of the superficial resemblance of the different narratives. These may be accounted for (on the ordinary historical theory of the flood-story) from the similarity of the circumstances of partial floods everywhere; or (if we regard it as based on a nature-myth) from the fact that, by a fundamental law of psychology, the universal wonders of nature everywhere receive (within certain limits) a similar mythic expression. Granting, therefore, in its fullest extent the non-originality of many deluge-stories, we maintain that the evidence points on the whole to the existence of several independent centres from which these stories were propagated. (3.) Restricting ourselves to the consideration of the non-biblical forms of the narrative, we now inquire, what was their original significance ? A provisional answer, it is true, has already been given, but one which does not account for the peculiar details of the most original deluge-stories. The only explanation of these which has yet been offered is derived from comparative mythology. It is agreed by mythologists that the exclusive subjects of really primitive traditional stories are frequently recurring natural phenomena. Consequently the elementary mythic descriptions or pictures of these phenomena were the most available material when, at a later period of mental growth, the attempt was made to construct a rude cosmogonical theory. Those "demolitions and reconstructions" of the world of which we spoke at the outset could only be narrated on the basis of these earliest, simplest, most primitive myths. What then was the natural phenomenon which, in a mythic dress, formed the substratum of the deluge-stories? Not merely an annually recurring river-flood, such as those of the Euphrates, for the phenomenal basis of myths must be something strikingly wonderful as well as frequently recurring. This the inundations of a river are not, neither could they be regarded as calamities. But the phenomena of the sky and especially

of the sun are, to the primitive man, daily miracles. | Hence the theory (Schirren and Gerland) that the deluge of the stories we are considering has been transferred from the sky to the earth, that it is in a word an ether-myth. This mode of explanation is not set aside by referring to quasi-historical details in the deluge-stories. For as soon as the mythic stage begins to be outgrown, rationalism appears. In this transitional period (commonly of long duration) the old nature-myths are modified. Some mythic elements remain, others are turned into prose. The attempt to explain the existence of the world on the basis of an ether-myth was an early symptom of the denaturalization of which we have spoken. At a still more advanced stage of the process, the flood often ceased to be universal, and was restricted to the home of those who related the story, or to the region from which they supposed themselves to have migrated. At last the shrewder intellects (e.g., among the Tahitians and some of the American Indians) even clutched at phenomena like those of fossil-shells found on hills to prove the literal truth of their deluge.

The most plausible arguments for the celestial deluge theory are derived from the Polynesian mythology. In the flood-story of Raiatea, given by Ellis (Polynesian Researches, ii. 58-9), the flocd rose as the sun approached the horizon;" and the island where the fisherman found refuge is called Toa-marama, .e., moon-tree (tree reaching up into the moon), which reminds us of the Teutonic worldash-tree, Yggdrasil, and the mythic mountain of the Babylonians (see below) and other nations. At Hawaii the flood was even called "flood of the moon," and at New Zealand "flood of day's eye (ie., the sun). Schirren explains all these myths as pictures of sunset, just as he derives the cosmogonies from myths of sunrise. But most of them are more easily explained, with Gerland, as ethermyths. The sun and moon were imagined as peaks emerging out of a flood-sometimes as canoes, sometimes as a man and his wife-the sole survivors (except perhaps the stars, their children) from the inundation. There was, however, no fixity of meaning. The stars were sometimes regarded as ships; but so too were the clouds, "Tangaloa's ships." The Babylonian story, as represented in the 11th Izdubar lay, suggests a similar theory. The names of the hero and his father mean "the (morning) sun" and "the evening-glow." The flood is a rain-flood, and the "father of the rain" (cf. Job xxxviii. 28) is the celestial ocean, which in the original myth must have been itself the deluge; and the "ship" is like that in which the Egyptian sun-god voyages in the sea of ether. The mountain on which the survivors come to land was originally (as in Polynesia) the great mythic mountain (cf. the Accadian kharsak kurra, "mountain of the east "), which joins the sky to the earth, and serves as an axis to the celestial vault. Traces of an ether-myth have also been discovered in the Indian deluge-story, as indeed is only natural if it be based on the Babylonian. In the Mahabharata, the divine fish has a horn issuing from his head, which reminds us of other horned deities, whose solar origin is admitted, such as Baal and the Berosian Oannes. (See also Schirren, Wanderungen der Neuseeländer, p. 193, who is, however, too fanciful to be a safe guide).

Two points should be mentioned in conclusion. (1.). Though a moral significance is by no means always attributed to the deluge, it is more common than might have been expected. In the Mahabharata (line 12,774) it takes the form not of retribution but of purification, which agrees with Plato's view (Timæus, p. 22). We find it in America among the Quichés, but this may perhaps be a later addition, as is certainly the case in one of the forms of the Tahitian myth (Waitz, vi. 271). And (2.) the deluge is not always the last of those periodical

destructions alluded to at the beginning of this article. A few races suppose the last link in the series to be a great fire which swept every living thing from the earth, except (as some American Indians say) a few who took refuge in a deep cave. This last feature, however, has a slightly suspicious resemblance to Gen. xix. 29, and, to say the least, the conflagration is not a myth of such proved antiquity and spontaneity as the deluge. It is too sugges tive of artificial systems like that of the Stoics.

Authorities.-Babylonian story: Mr George Smith's papers in Transactions of Biblical Archaeological Soc., ii. 213-34. iii. 530-96: Lenormant. Les premières civilisations, tom. ii. 3-146; Delitzsch. Biblical narrative: ComGeorge Smith's Chald. Genesis, 318-21. mentaries on Genesis, by Knobel and Dillmann, Delitzsch, Kalisch; Ewald, Biblische Jahrbücher. vii. 1-23. Indian Muir Sanskrit Texts, i. 196-201; Burnouf, Bhagavata Purána, ii. 191 Weber, Indische Studien. i. 161-232; Turnour, Mahavanso, i. 131 (referring to a local flood in its present form). Greek: Preller, Aufsätze, 165-7. Vogul (Altaic): Hunfalvy, summarized by L. Adam, Revue de philologie, i. 9-14. Lap: Fris, Lappisk Mythologie, reviewed in Lit. Centralblatt, March 1, 1873. America: Bancroft, Native Races, &c., v. 12-16; Schoolcraft, Notes on the Iroquois, p. 358. Polynesia Schirren, Wanderungen der Neuseelander (Riga, 1856); Gerland, Waitz's Anthropologie, vi. 296-73. General works: Pictet, Origines Indo-europeennes, ii. 620, &c.; Lüken, Die Traditionen des Menschengeschlechis (Munster, 1869). (T.K.C.)

DEMADES, an orator and demagogue who flourished in the 4th century B.C. He was originally of humble position, and was employed at one time as a common sailor, but he rose partly by his eloquence and partly by his unscrupulous character to a prominent position at Athens. He espoused the cause of Philip in the war against Olynthus, and was thus brought into bitter and life-long enmity with Demosthenes. Notwithstanding his sympathies he fought against the Macedonians in the battle of Chæronea, after which he was instrumental in procuring a treaty of peace between Macedon and Athens through his influence with Philip. He continued to be a favourite of Alexander, and, prompted by a bribe, saved Demosthenes and the other obnoxious Athenian orators from his vengeance. His conduct in supporting the Macedonian cause, yet receiving any bribes that were offered by the opposite party, caused him to be heavily fired more than once; and his flagrant disregard of law and honour ultimately led the citizens of Athens to pass upon him the sentence of atimia. This was recalled in 322 on the approach of Antipater, to whom the citizens sent Demades and Phocion as ambassadors. Before setting out he persuaded the citizens to pass sentence of death upon Demosthenes and his followers who had fled from Athens. Harpalus and Antipater both succeeded in bribing him to their cause; but the latter, discovering while Demades was with him on another embassy in 318 a correspondence which showed him to have been at the same time in communication with Perdiccas, put him to death along with his son Demeas. A fragment of a speech bearing his name is to be found in the Oratores Attici, but its genuineness is exceedingly doubtful. DEMERARA, or DEMERARY, a river and county of British Guiana. See GUIANA.

DEMETER. See CERES, vol. v. p. 345. DEMETRIA, a festival in honour of Demeter, held at seed-time, and lasting ten days. It appears to be the same as that generally called Thesmophoria.

DEMETRIUS I., king of Macedonia, a son of Antigonus and Stratonice, surnamed Poliorcetes, or the Besieger. Both, father and son play an important part in the vicissitudes of the Macedonian empire after the death of Alexander the Great. Demetrius grew up to be a beautiful young man, reared in the fulness of the new Macedonian life, devoted to Greek science, and inspired with an eager ambition to rival the ancient heroes of his race. He united with these lofty aims a love of Oriental magnificence which formed at once the chief splendour and the principal weak

VII.

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