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Art. 14. An Address to the Freeholders of Middlesex, assembled

at Free Mason's Tavern, in Great Queen Street, Dec. 20, '779. Being the Day appointed for a Meeting of the Freeholders, for the Purpose of eitablishing Meetings to maintain and support the Freedom of Election. Svo. 68. Dixwell, &c. The Author of this address is a close thinker, and a sound reasoner. His observations on county meetings are offered with a view to render such assemblies of real, coostitutional, and permanent effect, for redress of national grievances, and even, if occasion require, for a reformation of the conftitution itself: the Writer's arguments are con. ceived with folidity, and urged with judgment and temper. Art, 15. The History of a French Louse; or the Spy of a new

Species, in France and England: containing a Description of the most remarkable Personages in those Kingdoms. Giving a Key to the chief Events of the Year 1779, and those which are to happen in 1780. Translated from the 4th Edition of the revised and corrected Paris Copy. 8vo. 35. Becket.

1779. We gave some account of the French original (if the French was the original) of this political satire, in our latt month's Catalogue. It is unnecessary to add any thing to what was then said concerning the chara&er of the work.

Art. 16. Five Letters, &c. 8vo. is. 68. Dixwell. When this political mail was first made up, it contained but three letters; which, as the directions are rather long, we do not here repeat, being able to refer the reader to the Rev. vol. 1x. p. 322, where they are mentioned with some explanation of their contents. A few more are now put into the bag, under the following superscrip

The fourth is addreffed to the monied men of Great Britain and Hol: land; upon tbe subjeđi of opening a policy of subscription for the reduction of ibe French islands in the Welt Indies. In return for which, the' ab. jelute property of these islands is to be guaranteed to the subscribers, upon ibe faith of an ad of parliament And the fifth is addrefjed to the nobility and landed interest of Scotland; upon the subject of appropriating

ibe forfeited eftates of thai kingdim to ihe purpose of maintaining five 1 bcusand men as a militia ; who, when not embodied, are to be employed

in working upon the bigb.roads and other public works of that kingdom. To wbicb is added, some remarks upon Sir Charles Bunbury's scheme of Jinding the conviels to the coat of Africa: and upon the present one in ogitation, of creating work and task houses in the different counties of England, Witb fome queries addressed 10 the Lord Lieutenants of the different countries, upon the present eftablishment of the militia.

For the British parliament to grant French islands de jure, before they are in possession de fa&o, is a species of anticipation, characterised in ancient faws, as reckoning chickens before they are hatched ; and as selling the bear's kin, &c. Such formal annanciation of intended conquests, calculated to inspire preparations for attack, would in greater proportion warn the poffefiors how to defend themselves. But schemes appear, to the happy inventors, very

On the subject of English and Scots militia, and on the employment of convits, the Writer throws out several good detached observa. Rev. Jan, 1780.

G

cions,

tions :

feasible on paper.

tions, not being altogether fo bold a visionary in domestic policy, as he appears in his foreign schemes and arrangements,

N. Art. 17. Administration Diflucted. In which the Grand Na

tional Culprits are laid open for the Public Inspection. 8vo. 45. fewed. Barker. 1779.

This Diffection is performed with a keen knife, and a bold hand. The malefactors being cut up, and exposed to public inspection,' the metaphor drops in course; and we come, in plain terms, to speak of the book before us, as containing a political review of the present circumstances and situation of this country, so far as both have been obviously affected by the conduct of government, since the commence, ment of the unforcunate war with the American colonies.--The Au. thors (for this tract appears, like our Review, as the work of several hands) have entered on the discussion of the subject, on a large scale of enquiry: extending to almost every principal branch of admini. ftration. -Their general conclusion js — That the remedies, which is were to be wished his majesty (feeling for the distresses of his people) would instantaneously apply to our wretched and desponding fituation,' are obviously these :

1. A dismission of every principal minister now employed.
II. The appointment of men of GENIUS in lieu of those dismissed.
III. The punishment of a Commander at land, and another by sea,
IV. A thorough confidence of tbe Sovereign in bis People.'

As it has often been urged, by the adherents of ministry, when objecting to a change, that we can no where find more able, or better men,' our Authors treat this objection as frivolous and false. They contend, that nothing is wanting to extricate us out of our difficulties but GENIUS. In this MASTER QUALITY, the spirited writers coplider our present statesmen and commanders as totally deficient. To prove that genius has, at all times, and in all countries, been found perfectly cqual to the great work here cut out for it, our Authors enter into an historical detail of the illuftrious actions of heaven-born leaders and heroes, in the military line especie ally; and they conclude, that genios is ftill to be found, if we will but call it forth. And to direct us in the search of this inestimable jewel, they point to our present race of Senators, among whom may be found men of whom the greatest hopes may reasonably be formed, if we dare lo entrust them with our political salvation. In the house of lords they have singled out, in the following order, lord Lyttelton (deceased face our Authors wrote], lord Camden, the duke of Richmond, lord Shelburne, the duke of Grafton, and the marquis of Rockingham. In the lower house, our Authors fix upon, first, Mr. Fox; on whose fuperior abilities, indeed, the higbelt expectations may reasonably be raised. To this diftinguished name they have added those of Mr. Burke, and colonel Barré; and here they ftop, presuming it unnecessary to go through the list of men in the lower assembly, whose genius and parts are capable of succouring their couatry.' We wonder, however, that the juftly honoured name of Sir George Saville escaped this mark of distinction.

• Both fufficiently pointed out in the book.

The

The mention of one or two of the names in the foregoing enume ration, may posibly raise a smile on the countenances of some of our Readers ; but let them peruse the pages before us, in which we find these several names fo respectfully arranged ; let them attend with candour to what the Authors have said in support of the men and the measures they so ftrenuously recommend, and then we will anSwer for their agreement with us, at least, in this opinion, that the book ought not to be over-looked, and confounded, in the general mass of party-rubbish, which we fee daily cast out of every pamphlet shop:-Though antiministerial, it is a very loyal performance. We fay loyal, because, however the Writers may have indulged themSelves in the barthelt modes of censuring his majesty's servants, they every where mention his MAJESTY himself in the highest and warmest terms of affection and dutiful respect. In short, on the subject of REGAL AUTHORITY, we think they manifest a spirit so point blank opposed to the licentiousness of the times, that, perhaps, they would rather stand chargeable with the extremes of Toryism, than be thought to favour the present growing partiality for republican prin. ciples, fo visible among some of our political sectaries. Art. 18. Occasional Letters on Taxation ; on the Means of raising

the Supplies within the Year, to answer the Expences of a necelsary War; and on such Means as would probably tend to secure Great Britain and its natural Dependencies the Bleflings of Peace, on a durable System. By an independent Man. 8vo.

IS 6d. Dodsley. 1785.

These Letters are reprinted from an evening paper ; they are 28 in number, and they contain some judicious observations on the exigencies of the times, and the fubje&t of finance. Much is also urged on the expediency and neceflity of a speedy and cordial reunion with America, for which the Writer argues with zeal, but op moderate and liberal principles. He observes, in his prefatory advertisement, that his early years being spent in America, where he was many years employed as an officer in the navy, of course gives him some advantages over the generality of his fellow subje&ts;' and that if what he has presumed to say on the modes of conciliation with that country, and upon naval subjects *, only furnish one single bint which may be wrought to public benefit, he will have a futficient equivalent for all that pain he experiences in obiruding his indigelted thoughts in so homely a dress.' Art. 19. Observations on the Answer of the King of Great Britain

to the Manifefto, &c. of the Court of Versailles. By an independent Whig. 4to.

IS. Fielding, &c. 1779. Declamation against declamation. Our Independent Whig is a vehement advocate for the cause of the revolted colonies; whose independency he crears as a matter of establishment, as just as it is certair.-The JustiFYING MEMORIAL here controverted, was published in the Morning Poft, and other prints; and this observer, confidering it as a docuinent of some au bority, though not bearing the usual form of a fate-paper, has judged it worthy of critical animadverfion. He

• He has several important remarks, tending to the benefit of our zavy, for which we must refer to his pamphlet.

is very severe on the British government. The king himself is not
(pared; and yet the Author ceasures our coure' for the . illiberal
calomny' with which, as he says, it has been pleased to indulge it.
felf against that of Versailles !'--Surely courts may be indulged in
taking as much liberty with each other as a private observer pre-
fumes to take with them!
Art. 20. The Detail and Conduct of the American War, under
Generals Gage, Howe, Burgoyne, and Vice Admiral Lord Howe:
With a very full and correct State of the Whole of the Evidence,
as given before a Committee of the House of Commons; and the
celebrated Fugitive Pieces, which are said to have given rise to
that important Enquiry. The Whole exhibiting a circumftantial,
connected, and complete History of the real Causes, Rise, Pro-
gress, and present State of the American Rebellion. The Third
Edition. 8vo. Richardson and Co. 1780.

This is a new and much enlarged and improved edition of a tract mentioned in our Review for July laft, entitled A View of the Evi. dence relative to the Conduct of ihe American War, &c. In the prefatory advertisement to the present edition, reasons are given for the alteration of the title ; with an account of the "

great additions, and new arrangement of the work. The whole now forms a regular series of the transactions and progress of the American war. 'The Au thor is rather violent in exprelling his resentment against the revolted Americans, the minority party at home, and some of our commanders, mentioned in the title-page, particularly the H-w-s; but we cannot say that his zeal is without knowledge; for he appears to be a very well informed Writer, as well as a judicious compiler. Art. 21. Substance of the Speeches made in the Houfe of Commons,

on the 15th of December 1779, on Mr. Burke's giving Notice of his Intention to bring in a Bill after the Christmas Recess, for the Retrenchment of Public Expences, and for the better securing the Independence of Parliament. 8vo. 6d. Almon. 1779.

An excellent Preface to a work laudably intended to correct the present prodigal constitution of the civil executive government of this kingdom. The speakers who followed Mr. Burke, in support of his truly patriotic design, were lord John Cavendish, Mr. Dempster, Mr. Fox, and Mr. Gilbert. Art. 22. A Letter to the Right Honourable the Earl of Sandwich,

on the present Situation of Affairs. By a Sailor, 8vo,

If it be asked, who is this correspondent of lord Sandwich's ?? let

the answer be given in the Letter-writer's own words: “ I am a plain, open-hearted failor, zealous for the glory of my king and country, and ambitious of theltering my sentimenis under your lord. thip’s name; whom I revere as the most induttrious and able friend to both.'

As a specimen of the jolly Tar's way of thinking about the present situation of affairs, our Readers will accept the following paf. sage : Well meaning men are often deluded by a bold affertion, and confident declamation. To win their good opinion of the measures generally taken by administration, and to persuade them that the En

1 S.

Wilkie. 1779.

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glih are not an entirely ruined people, is my present ambition. To thew them, also, that I write the words of truth and soberness, and that the present opposition to the necessary steps taken by his majesty's servants, in the fate, for the safety and honour of their couniry, proceeds from the most nefarious profligacy of sentimert, is the plan on which I direct my discourse to you ! Honest Biracle may, no doubt, be a good seaman, and may

be usefully employed, with his friend Sir H. P. when knotting and splicing, to repair the damages received in a brush with the French ; but what has he to do with pen and ink, except in keeping the hip’s journal, or log-book? Art. 23. On Government. Addressed to the Public. By Tho

mas Wycliffe, of Liverpool, 8vo. 45. Warrington printed, 1779

This is a new edition of a tract first published, without the Author's name, and mentioned in the 55th vol. of our Review, p. 317 The Writer has now much enlarged his work throughout; and has added two entire new chapters, one on the Supreme Power of a State (which he lodges with the people), and another on the internal Gopernment of Great Britain. In this last division of his work, he proposes a new plan of parliamentary deputation, by which the people would be more equally represented than they are at present; an obo jea, no doubt, of the utmost importance to the political welfare of this country, Mr. W.'s plan is illustrated by an out-line map of England, according to his new division of the kingdom, viz. into 69 counties, to be represented in parliament by 292 county members, and 197 members for parishes.-On this novel proposal, the Author comments in the following terms:

• Should such an alteration as this be made, then the representatives chosen by each place would bear some degree of proportion to its consequence, and the weight that each place ought to have in government; and all the representatives being dependent on their conftituents, onder such a conititution of government as this, the voice of parliament would be the voice of the people, and would be, in the stricteft sense of the word, SELF-GOVERNMENT,'

But Mr. W. does not confine the confideration of this supposed division of couoties entirely to the object of an equal parliamentary representation. He thinks it may be rendered wseful to the state in other important respects; but for these particulars we must refer to his treatise at large,-in which the reader will meet with many obser. vations wortby the attention of those who have a turn for specula. tion on plans of national improvement. Many, however, will confader his project of an universal empire, of which Great Britain is to be the centre, and feat of government, as a most curious piece of Utopian castle-building; especially as the proposal happens to be made at a time wher, in the opinion of many, the empire of Great Britain, instead of being extended on Mr. W.'s vast and comprehenfive scale, seems rather to be verging apace towards a mortifying teduction, if not a total subversion.

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