From The New York Evening Post. AMERICA BEFORE EUROPE.* COUNT DE GASPARIN'S NEW WORK.

HAVING taken up Gasparin's L'Amerique devant L'Europe with high expectations, we have found them far exceeded by its merit. To an accurate acquaintance with the political situation of this country, the author adds a statesman-like sagacity, which events have most remarkably vindicated, and that earnest faith in principles which has ever signalized really great men. Or, let us say rather, that his earnest devotion to the principles of justice and freedom has led him to conclusions which, in the light of subsequent events, seem like prophecies.

The fifth part is addressed to the people of the United States, and proposes a policy of emancipation singularly in accordance with that which is now shaping itself under the earnest and prudent statesmanship of the President and the inexorable urgency of the time. It comprises abolition in the District of Columbia, prohibition in the territories, and the offer of compensation to such States as shall initiate the abolishment of slavery within their own limits.

The last division of this able and friendly treatise consists of an appeal to American and European Christians setting forth and seeking to enforce their duties in this conjuncture, in sustaining by their sympathy and action the cause of freedom. But Gasparin's views can be better judged by quoting his own words :—

THE EUROPEAN SENTIMENT.

In great crises, such as this, the statesman who is guided only by momentary expediency must falter and fail, or if he succeeds, it is by chance. Only by adherence to the cardinal rules of justice and morality, which "It seems as if, at the thought of dividing are always the same, can a nation pass through such a struggle, escaping destruc- the United States, Europe has leaped with tion and coming forth purified and strength- joy. From the first she was possessed with ened. Only by adherence to those rules can this idea, and has not yet been willing to reneighboring nations avoid the greatest det-nounce it. riment to themselves and to humanity at large. To set forth the application of these plain unswerving principles of justice to the complicated relations between the United States and Europe in our present struggle for national existence and unity is the purpose of the Count de Gasparin in this work; and that purpose is so fully, ably, and earnestly accomplished that it leaves nothing to be said, and must carry instruction and conviction to every one who gives it a thoughtful reading.

The present work is the complement to "The Uprising of a Great People," which has become so extensively known and approved. It is divided into six parts. In the first are discussed the attitude of Europe and its causes, the acknowledgment of the South as "belligerent," and the questions relating to the blockade. The second part treats of England in particular, its public opinion, and

the results of the Trent affair.

The third part is devoted to repelling certain notions prevalent in Europe, such as that slavery does not enter into question in this war, that the South had a right to secede, and that the Southern States are unconquerable, or if conquered can never be brought back into the Union. In the fourth part the author expresses his convictions concerning the policy of European powers, and particularly Spain, in their recent expeditions and intermeddling in St. Domingo and Mexico.

L'Amerique devant l'Europe, Principes et Intérèts Par le Comte Agénor de Gasparin. Paris: Michael Lévy Freres. 1862. 8vo. pp. 553.

"The fact is that, from the beginning, both from a sort of instinct and by authority, we have decided this: that the separation is definitive, and the South will attain its object; two rival republics are henceforth inevitable. This opinion, so prevalent in Europe, of itself explains the incessant ill-feeling which, during an entire year, has existed between us and America. Viewed in this light, everything becomes clear, including even our obstinate refusal to believe in the moral character of the war, and our promptitude to admit the superiority of the South, our incredulity of the prospect of success or the resources of the North, our impatience of a war deemed by us useless, our injustice towards Mr. Lincoln's government, our readiness to recognize belligerents where there were only simple rebels, our willingness to change our position as friendly nations to neutral, and our disposition to seek in an incident like that of the Trent, or in the practical difficulties of the blockade, an occasion to terminate the crisis and officially recognize the South."

After further alluding to the sympathy felt in France, if not for the South, at least for the success of its plans, and asking how an audacious nation could, in this nineteenth century, dare to inscribe the word slavery on its banner, the author, admitting that Europe is practically ranging herself on the side of the slave merchants, continues :~

THE TRENT AFFAIR.

"But we will not, I hope, go to extremes; I hope it, above all, since the affair of the

FOREIGN INTERVENTION.

Trent, which, in conducting us to the brink of the abyss, has forced us to fathom its "But thanks be to God, the United States depth. On finding herself so near firing her will not be destroyed. No one has the power cannon in behalf of slavery, Europe could to efface from the list of great nations this not help recoiling with consternation. She people, now passing through a crisis as painhas perceived that behind this great desire ful as it is salutary, from which they will issue for peace lurked terrible wars, and that in stronger, because better. Our South-symtrying to put an end to the quarrel in the pathizing movements will not simply irritate United States we should run the risk of in-the nation by a measure which wounds them citing at present or preparing for the future, in the most sensitive spot, but will introduce quarrels against nature-between the United a principle resulting in a condition of perStates and ourselves. The dormant sympa-petual antagonism.

thies at last began to re-awaken, and Chris- "The policy recommended by the friends tians and Abolitionists deemed themselves of the South is nothing less, we should reon the road which would lead to the attain-member, than Europe in America; for where ment. It was then that, after having all but do we not hear of some admixture of Europe reached the goal of victory, on the day of in American discussions? I am not one of the arrest of Mason and Slidell, the parti-those who think that the Monroe doctrine sans of the recognition of the South suddenly found themselves thrown far back from their desired object."

THE BELLIGERENTS' DECLARATION.

"It is not enough to describe and deplore our attitude. It is above all important to explain it. In reviewing the causes we shall have a chance of discovering the remedies. Whence comes the fact, so strange at first sight, that, while the United States were governed by slavery and for slavery, they were allowed to remain undisturbed; but, since they have begun to act against slavery -against the entire system of violence and conquest, and of attempts against humanity or public law-there has been concocted the hitherto unknown theory of belligerent insurgents?

will remain intact through the conflicts of the nineteenth century; Ï believe in the frequent intervention of Europe in America, and America in Europe, and in the admission of the United States into the councils of the great powers. I believe, finally, that the telegraph and steam have done away with artificial distinctions, and that it will be more and more difficult for the two continents to live apart. But I believe at this time-and this point will be further elaborated with the care it merits in another part of my book-that it will not result either in European supremacy in America, nor American supremacy in Europe. The parties interested are no longer undeveloped nations (peuples mineurs), and the pretensions of preponderance none of them will any longer tolerate."

THE DICTATIONS OF EUROPE.

"The explanation is not difficult. From the beginning of the troubles Europe arro- "It is certain, as we have seen, that simgated to herself a sort of benevolent patron-ilar pretensions exist as the root of the polage over divided America: she viewed them icy which we are urged to act upon. The as minors-infants who needed to be directed separation must take place! We have deby maturer minds. With this republic, with cided that you were not able to put an end this danger-threatened confederation, we did to the rebellion! You shall fight no longer, not feel ourselves bound to observe the rules or, at any rate, you shall fight only in this applicable to States which hold serious rela- or that manner! Such is the language tions with another. We never thought of which is dictated to us, and thus do its saying: Whatever be our opinion of the friends seek to build an artificial foundation future chances of the revolt, it belongs for a State which cannot maintain its indialone to the American government to deter-vidual life, and will always need the promine the course of conduct which it may tection to which it owes its birth. The redeem proper to pursue; if it is wrong in sult would be, that European influence and resisting the separation, it alone must suffer almost domination would exist in the very the consequences, for, as far as we are con- heart of Southern America, and at the very cerned, it still continues the American gov- gates of Washington. ernment.' Far from that we have, without "Friends of peace, you who are so anxpremeditation, and as if by instinct, estab-ious to stop the present conflict, who, if lished (under the impulse of the interests necessary, would trace around President depending here and elsewhere in Europe on American affairs) the idea that this matter is ours too, and that we have a right to meddle with it (que nous avons à nous en méler)."

Lincoln the circle of Popilius, by prohibiting him from maintaining the blockade and following out his advantages, have you taken into account the endless wars with which you would endow the future? Have you specu

lated on the consequences of your enter-God save us from having to imbibe such a prise? You imagine, perhaps, that you will lesson! We would use it only too much destroy the United States ? And if you do to our profit. There are, believe me, moral not destroy them, do you think they will live defeats which make their mark in the desin peace a single day, while you have upon tiny of nations." either side of their empire a Virginia and a Canada—with you governing the mouths of their two grand rivers at Quebec and at New Orleans ?

PRINCIPLE VERSUS INTEREST.

consecutively in M. Gasparin's book; but These passages do not follow each other we have selected them from different pages in the early portion of the work, as being characteristic of the general tone of the vol

"Is it nothing, I ask, to weaken the few moral ideas which still exist amid our trium-ume and of the high standard taken by the

phant materialism? Indignation against slavery is one of these ideas; but the day when we clasped the hand of the Southerners, framed theories in favor of their revolt, trying to show that it had served, in its way; the cause of liberty, on that day our inward light grew paler, and something heavy and sad touched the heart of humanity.

"The occasions to prove and show the importance of a principle are rare. What a precious lesson for our entire generation, Could it have seen Europe, spite of the temptations of policy and the demands of interest, determined to parley or treat in no way with those who dared to write upon their flags The sacredness and perpetuity of slavery!' By that single act we should have raised the moral standard of mankind. Yet such a victory would have had also its price.

the righteous platform of principle, allows eloquent author, who, placing himself upon no baser interest to warp his views of truth and justice. There is an actual sublimity in his appeal to the moral sense of nations-in his earnest belief that peoples as well as individuals "do not live by bread alone," and that a national moral degradation is something even more dreadful than a lost battle or campaign.

M. Gasparin is a highly impartial writer. He posseseses none of the vulgar French hatred of perfidious Albion, but, on the contrary, openly expresses his admiration of England and English institutions. Otherwise we might attribute to a national prejudice the fact that he heartily condemns the course of the British government in regard to the Trent affair-condemning it, too, in words of burning power.

THE REAL BELLIGERENT.

“We now look into the past for the day when the duel of two fractions of the AngloSaxon race was about to commence, when two free nations, two kinsmen, were about to destroy each other, to the great joy of their mutual enemies. We will not forget so soon that frightful month of December last. The vessel then crossing the ocean was no longer the peaceable Mayflower, which in the month of December, two and a half centuries before, arrived at the shores of America, with its Puritans flying before English persecution; it was the vessel bearing the ultimatum of England.

"For it is not, as I know, great policy (la grande politique); but for us simple souls, who think that man lives not by bread alone, and that society also dies of hunger when the satisfaction of its most elevated needs is forgotten-for us the success of Europe in America would have been complete if she had manifested her natural sympathies for the good and her natural antipathy against the evil. The revolt proclaimed in the name of slavery would have known what it had to depend upon; it would have questioned itself whether, of itself, it could be able to conquer that achieved independence (independance de fait) which should precede and not follow official recognition. It is proba- And while it was plowing its way along, ble that reduced to these terms, the prob- while our hearts were torn and our imaginalem would have been early decided, and the tion affrighted by the prospect of the great war would have been of but short duration. moral and political disaster which was about In any event, the South would not have had to fall upon our generation, the influential the right to say: 'I hold Europe by cotton; journals of London took care to amply init cannot help but walk straight. I pre-form us of the character of the war which dicted that I would vanquish her prejudices, and I have done it; that I would force her to take part for me, and she has done it.'

"In other terms, there is neither good nor evil there is only interest; rest yourselves upon your interests and you will succeed, will even show (it is a refinement of our modern times) that in immolating your principles you have admirably served them.

seemed to them to be so inevitable. It would be a terrible war! It would commence by the recognition of the South, by alliance with the South, by the certain triumph of the South.

"And while the report spread abroad that a despatch of Mr. Seward, written November 30, at the precise moment when the Britannic Cabinet signed its own, was of a

nature to give hope of a favorable solution, the Morning Post hastened to publish, in official terms and special type, the denial of N'egalerout jamais, pour affranchir les âmes, this intelligence, which was all the time true. Une goutte de sang qui tombe d'une croix." They considered as without importance the It should be remembered that in France spontaneous disavowal of all thought of in- the word " abolitionism" has not been spatsult, the declaration announcing that Cap- tered with the low abuse it has received tain Wilkes had acted without instructions, here, and therefore does not arouse any feeland the expressed desire that the questioning of prejudice; so some of the phrases in should be treated on both sides in a concilia- this extract, which read almost irreverential tory spirit. in our language, are not so in the original.

POETRY.-Homeless, 146. The Carousal, 146. Sea-Lore, 146.

SHORT ARTICLES.-On the Degrees of Comparison, 150. Steel Shot, 150. Double Reflecting Hearing Trumpets, 159. Organ Grinding, 162. Railway Friction, 162. Old Hungarian Library, 166. Tunnel through Mount Cenis, 166. Coins of England, 170. Forty Winks, 191. Greek Coins, 191. Suicides in 1860, 192.

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