dee for a short time; but however willing to wound, their antagonists were as yet afraid to strike, and the prosecution was allowed to drop.*

completely accounts for the conduct of that deep-thinking and far-seeing man, during his stay in Scotland, and after his return to England, in his public treatment of the former country. Having made his observations, and formed his plans, Cromwell proceeded to put them in execution.

An Assembly was appointed to meet at St. Andrews in July, whence it was transferred to Dundee; but intimation was at the same time given, that all who were not satisfied with the resolutions should Charles had taken up a strong position be cited to the General Assembly, as lia- in the vicinity of Stirling, which the proble to censure. This rendered the Pro-tector perceived it would be dangerous to testers incapable of being members, was a assail. He therefore turned the position virtual prejudging of the question between of the king's army by crossing the Firth them and their brethren, and completely at Queensferry; and marching northvitiated the character of the Assembly as wards, seized upon Perth, and cut the a deliberate body. Against this course king off from his supplies. Charles reof procedure the Protesters again pro- solved upon a daring and césperate attested, denying the freedom and lawful-tempt to gain or lose the whole kingdom. ness of the Assembly itself. For this, James Guthrie, Patrick Gillespie, and James Simpson were deposed; but, protesting against this sentence, they continued to discharge their ministerial functions.f

The small western army was suppressed by Cromwell without difficulty; and Strachan, one of its leaders, a man of unstable mind, joined the usurper. While in Glasgow, Cromwell attended the churches of some of the Presbyterian ministers, who did not hesitate to pray for the king, and to term the protector a usurper to his face. Some of his Independent preachers held a disputation in his presence with the Presbyterian ministers, on the principles of church government, to which that singular man listened with great apparent interest. It is probably that the Protector's intention in thus entering into personal and familiar contact with the people, and especially with the ministers of Scotland, was for the purpose of obtaining the means of forming his opinion respecting their character and principles on the sure ground of his own penetrating discernment. He knew that the king and his party could not be trusted; and he was anxious to ascertain whether the other party, though opposed to him in many points, might not be so far conciliated as to submit peacefully to his government when they should perceive resistance to be hopeless. That this was the real design of Cromwell, it would be hazardous to affirm; but the conjecture has this to recommend it, that Cruickshank, vol. i. p. 63. † Lamont's Diary, p. 40.

He broke up from his camp at Stirling, and marched with all the expedition in his power into England, hoping that the royalists there would rise and join him before Cromwell could approach. But they were too much dispirited to make the attempt; and Charles was overtaken and defeated at Worcester, on the 3d of September 1651, exactly a year after the battle of Dunbar. The king fled, and, after a number of perilous adventures, escaped to France, to mourn his blighted hopes, or rather to waste his unhonoured youth in dissipation and licentiousness. Cromwell did not think it necessary to return to complete the subjugation of Scotland, but left that task, no longer a difficult one, to General Monk.

[1652.] The unhappy contest between the Resolutioners and the Protesters continued to divide the Church so completely, that it no longer presented a rallying point for either of the political parties. The Resolutioners were the more numerous; but the Protesters were favoured by the English, so that their power remained nearly balanced. An Assembly was attempted to be held at Edinburgh in July 1652, the Resolutioners assuming the right of calling, constituting, and conducting it, which was opposed by the Protesters, with a new protestation, subscribed by sixty-five ministers and about eighty elders. After spending about a fortnight in useless altercations, it dissolved, and its acts were not recorded.*

[1653.] Another attempt was made to hold an Assembly at Edinburgh in July

1653, but Lieutenant-Colonel Cottrel, at the head of a body of troops, entered the house where the ministers were assembled, demanded on whose authority they met,—whether that of Charles or the protector? and, after the interchange of a few sentences with the moderator, Mr. D. Dickson, ordered them to leave the house, In this manner the led them through the streets surrounded youth and growth of the Church was diby a band of soldiers, till he had con- rected in a very decided manner to that ducted them a mile out of town; and then party which was unquestionably the most commanded them to depart to their re-distinguished for piety and zeal; which

is further to be remarked, that when we read the writings of that period, we perceive at once a striking difference between those of the Resolutioners and those of the Protesters. The writings of the Protesters are thoroughly pervaded by a spirit of fervent piety, and contain principles of the loftiest order, stated in language of great force, and even dignity, of which we find but few similar instances in the productions of the Resolutioners. To prove this assertion, it is enough to name the works of Rutherford, Blair, Binning, Guthrie of Fenwick, Durham, Traill, Gray, Guthry of Stirling, and many others, scarcely their inferiors. Among the Resolutioners, we find none deserving to be matched with these, but Leighton, who afterwards became a prelate; David Dickson, who acknowledged that his party had erred; and Robert Douglas, who also lived long enough to see that he had been mistaken and deceived.

cipline experienced the slightest interrup-| tion; or, rather, every other part was thrown into more intense and vigorous action. The whole vitality of the kingdom seemed to be poured into the heart of the Church, and all the strong energies of the Scottish mind were directed to religious topics in a more exclusive manner than they had ever previously been. The very fact of the kingdom's complete civil prostration beneath the power of Cromwell closed every other avenue of thought and action, and even compelled men to give their entire being to the pursuit of earnest, fervent, personal religion. "I verily believe," says Kirkton, "there were more souls converted to Christ in that short period of time, than in any season since the Reformation, though of triple its duration ;"* and keeping the above considerations in mind, we may admit that the account which he gives of the state of religion at that time in Scotland, though highly coloured, is never- Before quitting the subject of the Resotheless, in all its main lineaments, a faith-lutioners and Protesters, there is one ful representation of the truth.

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point to which it is desirable that the Throughout the whole of Scotland reader's attention should be directed. It during the period of Cromwell's domin- will be remembered that the direct topic ation, there prevailed a degree of civil which caused the contest between the two peace beyond what had almost ever parties was the question respecting the before been experienced. This, too, propriety of repealing the Act of Classes, should be taken into account, when we and admitting men of all professions in peruse the memoirs and annals of the religion, and all varieties of character, period; for there being no great public into the army, and to other places of events to record, these gossiping chroni- power and influence in a time of such clers filled their pages with minute de- danger. This the political-expediency tails respecting the contests between the party resolved to do, and against this the two parties in the Church, for lack of strict Covenanters protested. It is eviother materials to employ their talent for dent that the difference of opinion between journalizing. It ought to be remembered them arose from the different positions also, that although the Protesters enjoyed from which they viewed the same subthe favour and support o the protector to ject. Both were fully aware of the peril a considerable extent, and might have ous state of the nation, and of the neces done so much more if they had wished it, sity of adopting some strong measure to they never compromised their principles, meet the emergency. But the one party nor stooped to flatter the usurper. Very trusted chiefly in a combination of human few of them were prevailed upon to take strength, though obtained by a sacrifice the "tender," or acknowledgment of his of religious principle; the other, in the authority and that of the English Com-confession and abandonment of past ermonwealth, without a king or House of Lords, because they regarded it as implying a violation of the Covenant. Patrick Gillespie appears to have been the only minister in Scotland that ever prayed publicly for the protector. It

* For a more ample account see Kirkton, pp. 48-65. ↑ Rutherford opposed the tender very keenly. Lamont's Diary, p. 51.

rors, the restoration and more strict enforcement of religious purity, and that calm trust in the protection and the strength of God, under which, by such procedure, they hoped to place their cause. The one party regarded national division

as the main cause of the nation's weakness; the other ascribed their calamities

cording to the calculations and arrangements of human wisdom, skill, and genius. Not that, in the latter case, the overruling influence of Providence is more in abeyance than in the former, but that its direct power is less conspicuously displayed. Now, the Covenanters regarded the war as as of a strictly religious character, otherwise they would not have engaged in it at all; and therefore they could not, they dared not, employ means on which they could not implore and expect the blessing of the Lord of Hosts. Men of no religion may deem this view fanatical; but it will require more than the usual amount of reason and hilosophy-we speak not to such men of religion-which they bring to bear upon the subject, before they prove it to be either irrational and absurd, or inconsistent with the providential government of the "Most High, who doeth according to his will in the armies of heaven, and among the inhabitants of the earth."

to the prevalence of national sins, espe- | in ordinary warfare, means may be em cially to that violation of the National ployed, and results anticipated, more acCovenant which consisted in entrusting its enemies with the power to do it injury. It is needless for shallow thinkers to imagine they can decide the question summarily, by terming the one party men of enlightened and liberal sentiments, and the other narrow-minded and intolerant bigots. The Covenanters had seen the storm of war borne back innocuous from their mountain bulwarks but a few years before, when not a man was allowed to take up arms in the sacred cause of religion who was not believed to be personally under its influence. They had, besides, the analogy of all scriptural history in their favour; so that the views they held appeared to have the sanction of recent facts and of the Word of God. And had their opponents been as truly patriotic as they pretended, instead of seeking political influence before they would lend their aid, might they not have formed themselves into a separate army, hung on the enemy's flanks and rear, distracted his attention, cut off his supplies, and thereby promoted in the most liberal and unselfish manner, and to the utmost of their power, the rescue of their country from the strong invader? This would have entitled them to the honour able appellation of men of truly enlightened minds and genuine patriotism; but their whole conduct, then and subsequently, proved them to have been influenced chiefly by ambitious, selfish, and despotic principles.

Let the reader take up the question, and muse upon it deeply, in the form of the following hypothetic proposition:Are there not principles and rules applicable to wars strictly religious, by which all operations should be governed and directed, essentially different from those involved in ordinary warfare? What we mean to suggest is this: that in wars strictly religious, which are of course solely defensive (for religion may not be propagated by the sword, although it may, in extraordinary cases, be so defended), no principle of merely secular policy can be admitted without vitiating the cause; no principle can be held and acted upon which has not the clear warrant of the Word of God, either in stated precept or recorded example. On the other hand,

It is unnecessary to dwell on the minor details which took place during the remainder of the Protectorate. After the death of Oliver Cromwell a series of intrigues commenced, which ended in the restoration of Charles II. In Scotland these intrigues were chiefly guided by Robert Douglas, the leader of the Reso lutioners, through the instrumentality of James Sharp, who at that time affected, perhaps entertained, as thoroughly as such a man could, a warm zeal for the interests of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland. Monk, who had remained in Scotland since its subjugation by Cromwell, appeared for a time to favour the Presbyterian cause, and continued to hold intercourse with Douglas through the medium of Sharp. The epistolary correspondence between Douglas and Sharp, preserved in Wodrow, clearly proves the duplicity, selfishnes, and treachery of Sharp, and prepares us for the dark and cruel tyranny which that hollow-hearted and ruthless man subsequently exercised towards the Church which he had first betrayed, and then set himself to persecute.*

* For a very full, accurate, and impartial view of the period that elapsed between the death of Charles I. and the restoration of Charles II., the reader is referred

Charles II. entered London in triumph | a change so sudden and so grea, an on the 29th of May 1660; and with his investigation more minute, searching, and restoration to the sovereignty begins a profound, than it has ever yet received. new era of the Church of Scotland's his- Into that subject, however, we cannot entory, the record of which is one of suffer- ter, further than merely to remark, that ings, and lamentations, and woe. for the fundamental error of restoring the king to full power, without any prelimiting conditions for regulating the exercise of that power, the Church of Scotland, as a body, was not to blame. So early as the 6th of February 1660, six of the leading ministers met in Edinburgh, and

CHAPTER VII.

FROM THE RESTORATION OF CHARLES II. To agreed to send Mr. James Sharp to

THE REVOLUTION OF 1688.

State of Affairs at the Restoration-James Sharp

Council of State-Apprehension of Argyle and of

James Guthrie-Middleton's Parliament-Oath of
Allegiance-Act Recissory-Proceedings of the
Church-Trial and Execution of Argyle and Guthrie
-Deposition and Banishment of several Ministers-
Proclamation of the King's determination to restore
Prelacy-Consecration of four Scottish Bishops in
Courts-Proceedings of the Prelatic Parliament
Oaths and Declaration against the Covenant-Refor-

London-Prohibition of all Presbyterian Church

mation-Diocesan Meetings-Act of Glasgow-Ejection of nearly Four Hundred Ministers-Conse quences-Trial and Death of Warriston-Re-erection

of the Court of High Commission-Persecutions Proclamation against Conventicles-Causes of the Rising of Pentland-The Rising itself, Discomfiture, and Fatal Consequences-Martyrdom of Hugh M'Kail and others-Severities of the Army-The_BondMitchell's Attempt-Increased Severities-The First Indulgence-Dissentions caused by it--Field-preaching-The Accommodation proposed by LeightonContinued Persecution-Second Indulgence-Proceedings against Conventicles and Field-preaching The Highland Host-Barbarities committed by them Continued Persecution, Instances-Death of Archbishop Sharp-Declaration of Rutherglen-Battle of Drumclog-The West-country Army-DissensionsBattle of Bothwell Bridge-Trials, Executions, and Increased Oppression-General Persecution, Instances The Society People-Queens-ferry Paper and Declaration of Sanquhar-Skirmish at Ayramoss -Death of Cameron and others-The Torwood Excommunication-Trial and Death of Cargil-Perseceedings against Argyle His Escape-Circuit Courts Murders in the Fields-Proceedings against the Society People-Their bold and resolute ConductDeath of Charles II.-James VII.-Unsuccessful At -Dunottar Castle-Transportation to the Colonies as Slaves-The King's Letter to Parliament-Schemes tion-Liberty of Conseience-Trial and Execution of Renwick-The Society People-Letter of the ScotMinisters to the Prince of Orange-The Revolution.

cutions and Martyrdoms, Instances-The Test-Pro

tish Prelates to the King-Letter of the Presbyterian

[1660.] THE Restoration of Charles II.

London, to hold intercourse with Monk, according to that wily politician's desire; and gave to him instructions by which he was to regulate all his stipulations in behalf of the Church of Scotland.* At that time the design of restoring the king had not been divulged; but these instructions were equally applicable whatever form of civil government should be established, —a matter with which the Presbyterian Church did not wish directly to interfere, though decidedly favourable to monarchy. Sharp seems to have been chosen as the agent of the Church at this juncture, because of his success in some previous negotiations during the time of Cromwell, when he had been sent by the Resolutioners to counteract the influence of the Protesters. His conduct on that occasion gave great satisfaction to his party, and is praised in the most extravagant terms by Baillie, who calls him "that very worthy, pious, wise, and diligent young man, Mr. James Sharp." His character was better understood by Bishop Burnet; and as it is difficult for a Presbyterian to mention his name and character in such terms as he deserves, without being thought to be influenced by violent and vindictive feelings, it may be expedient to quote the language of the prelatic historian.

to the throne of his ancestors, without the ployed by the Resolutioners of Scotland, "Among these, Sharp, who was emguard of precautionary conditions of any was one. He carried with him a letter kind, and the strange frenzy of extrava- from the Earl of Glencairn to Hyde,

gant loyalty which seized upon the made soon after Earl of Clarendon, rewhole kingdom like some uncontrollable epidemic, so strongly contrasted commending him as the only person cawith the conduct and temper exhibited pable to manage the design of setting up by the nation but a few years before, Episcopacy in Scotland; upon which he was received into great confidence. Yet, would require for the explanation of as he had observed very carefully the success of Monk's solemn protestations "Wodrow, Dr. Burn's edit. p, 5.

o the "History of the Church of Scotland during the

Commonwealth," by the Rev. James Beattie, recently published.