It meekly answered, "I rejoice that to me is in the Christian Church no principle it is given, in behalf of Christ, not only different from those natural principles to believe on Him, but also to suffer for which form and regulate society. His sake."* This tyrannical deed gave contains no recognition of the scriptural rise to the Secession which is known by basis of ecclesiastical authority. It even the name of the Relief, and marks the leads inevitably to the conclusion, that commencement of the new Moderate dy-superior ecclesiastical authority ought to nasty. Before the ultimate decision of this case had been pronounced, the two contending parties had publicly emitted what may be termed the manifesto of each,† the manifesto of the Moderate party being the production of Dr. Robertson. As this able paper contained the principles of ecclesiastical polity which guided Robertson's administration, has been referred to with strong approbation by his successor in church power, Principal Hill, and has continued ever since to be regarded, as in a great degree, the standard of Moderate church policy, it deserves some attention. It begins by a clear and forcible statement of what Robertson regarded as the first principle of society, regulated subordination, in which private judgment is so far superseded by the authority of the ruling power, that no member of society can avoid executing the orders of the supreme authority in any other way than by withdrawing from it. This principle he immediately applies to what he terms "ecclesiastical society," and proceeds to reason to the same conclusion, asserting boldly that the conscience of subordinate members is so far superseded by the orders of their superiors, whom they are bound to obey, that they are either not entitled to plead it, or are bound to withdraw; declaring strenuously, that "if the decisions of the General Assembly may be disputed and disobeyed by inferior courts with impunity, the Presbyterian constitution is entirely overturned." This forms the very essence of his argument; and every intelligent person, especially every thoughtful Christian, will at once perceive, that the analogy on which his argument is founded commences with a false principle, and consequently that the argument is vicious throughout, and the conclusion false. This analogy assumes, that there * Annals of the Assembly, vol i. pp. 222-230, 262-271; Patronage Report, Appendix. supersede the conviction of conscience to such an extent as to warrant the commission of what an individual regarded as positively sinful. But every truly religious man, who makes the Bible his rule, must see that this analogy is false, the argument founded on it vicious, and the conclusion inept and wrong. Can men, without any higher aid, make a church and frame laws for it as they can make a monarchy or a republic? Such a low secular view of the nature of a true Church was never entertained by the great men of the First and Second Scottish Reformations; such conclusions are utterly and irreconcilably at variance with the principles and the spirit of the Presbyterian Church. On the contrary, one of the fundamental principles of Presbyterian polity is, "That all church power is ministerial, and not magisterial or lordly." Whence it follows, that the duty of the office-bearers in a Christian Church, met together in the name of their only and Divine Head and King, to deliberate and act for the edification of his body the Church, is to endeavour, by prayer and by searching the Scriptures with earnest faith and singleness of heart, to ascertain what is the mind and will of Christ in the matter, and then to act according to the judg ment of conscience thus enlightened by the Word of God, in all gentleness and brotherly love. This is the first principle of Presbyterian Church government, flowing from the great doctrine of the Headship of Christ; and every person capable of understanding the Bible, and acquainted with the Presbyterian constitution, must see that the opposite view is equally unscriptural and unpresbyterian. And it may be very safely affirmed, that no church court, actuated by this principle, and proceeding in this manner, could ever have arrived at the laws of the gospel required of them to conclusion, that their obedience to the perpetrate that grievous violence to the conscience of the Christian people, the members of Christ's body, which is involved in forcing them to listen to the instructions of a false teacher, or of one who, instead of feeding and protecting the flock as a shepherd, acts towards them as a ravening wolf, regardless of their spiritual welfare, provided he can secure the fruits of the benefice. Yet such unpresbyterian, unscriptural, unchristian principles, were promulgated by Robertson. as the manifesto of the Moderate party, formed the rule of his long and vigorous administration, were lauded and followed by Hill, and have ever been regarded, by science of individuals free both to protest against, and to abstain from, actively assisting to carry into effect what they think sinful, provided they offer no actual opposition, having always this resource, that it can appoint others to execute its orders when that is still held necessary. CHAPTER X. FROM THE PERIOD OF THE SECOND SECESSION TILL THE ASSEMBLY OF 1841. subsequent Moderate leaders, as the very Struggle against the new Moderate Policy Defence of standards of their policy, till the present time, when, finding that their own principles would lead to the direct condemnation of some of their own party, they have discovered that supreme ecclesiastical authority resides in the Court of Session, and that they are bound in conscience to render implicit obedience to its dictates in matters of ordination. Even this is natural: men who hold a false principle are inevitably led from bad to worse, far, very far, beyond what they at first would have conceived possible. It may be added, as pointing out the ultimate bearing of these brief remarks, that while the Moderate party would readily depose a minister for mere contumacy, or disobedience to the commands of his superiors, however sinful these commands might be in themselves, although they very generally screened immorality and heresy; the Evangelical or truly constitutional party could not depose except for some deed in itself sinful, either as immoral or heretical. No man who can estimate aright the true nature of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, will hesitate a moment to say which of these two modes of procedure is that which ought to be followed by a true Christian Church. It is not denied that the constitution of the Presbyterian Church requires the submission of the inferior to the superior courts; for were that not the case, the Church of Scotland must sink into the Independent system; and in some of their arguments the minority of that period were not sufficiently guarded against that extreme. But while sound Presbyterian polity requires this due subordination of courts, it leaves the con Hume and Kames-Assessment for the Poor-Cases of Nigg and Jedburgh-Overtures respecting the Elders-Home and the Theatre-Schools in the Highlands-Simony-The Relief Secessian formed-Character of the Moderate Party in Preaching, Discipline, Secularity, &c.-The Schism Overtures-Intrusion Settlement at St Ninians-Increase of the Secession, and the Consequences viewed statiscally-Repeal of Popish Disabilities--Debate on Pluralities-Retirement of Principal Robertson from the General Assembly - Causes of his Retirement-Proposal of the Moderates to abolish Subscription to the Confession of Faith-Dr. Hill-Proposal to abandon the Moderation of a Call-Dr. Cook's Theory of the Settlement of Ministers-Dr. Hardy's views concerning Patronage-Discussion on the Subject of Patronage-Opin. ions of Dr. Hill and Dr. Cook-Declining State of Religion in Scotland-A settlement without Subscribing the Confession of Faith--The New-Light Controversy in Ayrshire-Robert Burns the Poet-SocinianismExcitement at the Period of the French RevolutionRevival of a Religious Spirit generally-Christian Missions Opposed by the Moderate Party-Chapels of Ease-Rowland Hill-Refusal of Ministerial Communion with all other Churches, which completes the Moderate System-Rapid Growth of EvangelismContest between Dr. Hill and the Edinburgh Doctors -Dr. Andrew Thomson-Dr. M'Crie-Debates on Pluralities-Dr Chalmers-Decline of ModeratismMission to India-Apocrypha Controversy-The Voluntary Controversy-Ascendancy of the Evangelical Party-Admission of Chapels of Ease-Subsequent Contentions and Struggles-Present Position-Con. cluding Remarks and Reflections. THE decision of the Assembly of 1752, in the case of Inverkeithing and the presbytery of Dunfermline, followed by the severe and despotic measure of Mr. Gillespie's deposition, gave rise to feelings of strong indignation and alarm throughout the kingdom. A general apprehension prevailed among the friends of religious liberty, that the reign of absolute and spiritual despotism was now indeed begun in Scotland, since the General Assembly had committed a deed distinctly subversive of the first principles of the Presbyterian constitution, which had always hitherto been the very citadel of freedom, civil and religious. The subject was discussed with great anxiety in many of the synods and presbyteries; overtures were framed for the purpose of obtaining a repeal of the Assembly's de- I had the possession of power, and they cision, and the restoration of Mr. Gilles- could therefore the more easily set aside pie to his charge; and numerous pam-right and disregard reason. Besides, phlets were written both against and in since the laws of civil society demand defence of the new developement of complete subordination, therefore, accordModerate ecclesiastical polity. Great ing to the fundamental maxim of the new exertions were also made by the orthodox | Moderate dynasty, "ecclesiastical society" party to procure a return to next Assembly of a sufficient number of true Presbyterians to reverse the recent despotic and unconstitutional measure; and not less strenuous were the Moderates on their part to retain their ascendancy and confirm their new position. must be governed in the same manner. Had the supporters of this principle followed it to its legitimate conclusions, they would have found themselves the advovates of the hideous doctrines of entire slavish obedience to tyranny in the State and Popery in the Church,—that is, to [1753.] When the Assembly met in absolute despotism, civil and religious. 1753, it speedily appeared that the strug- For whatever takes away the right of gle was to be of a very arduous and private judgment, commanding implicit doubtful character. A comparative trial obedience, especially in matters of reliof strength arose on the question respect- gion, to use the language of the Confesing the election of a legal agent for the sion of Faith, "destroys liberty of conChurch, and in this Dr. Cuming, the re- science, and reason also," reducing men, cognised Moderate leader, was defeated. as far as it is possible, to the condition of But this defeat seems to have had the irresponsible and unreasoning slavery. effect of leading to a greater degree of "But you are not compelled to obey, if union in that party, and a more deter- your conscience forbid you: it is in your mined effort to secure their predominance. power to withdraw." Such was the lanThe case of Mr. Gillespie came next guage of the manifesto, and still is the under consideration; and the question language of those who hold the same proposed for the vote was, whether he principles. To that the ready answer should be restored to the exercise of his was given: "Who empowered you to office as a minister of this Church or not. frame laws contrary to the constitution It was decided in the negative by a ma- of the Presbyterian Church, which you jority of three. Next day an attempt was have sworn to obey and maintain, and made to procure the remission of the sub-contrary to the laws of the Christian ject to the Commission, with power to that court to restore Mr. Gillespie, if he should make application; but this also was resisted, and again lost by the narrow majority of three.* A considerable number of ministers and elders dissented from these decisions of the Assembly, and gave in their reasons of dissent, which the ruling party prudently abstained from attempting to answer. By these reasons it was made clearly to appear that the sentence of deposition had been pronounced on account of an alleged offence, against which there existed no law declaring it to deserve deposition; while the whole practice of the Church, in similar cases, had not gone beyond censure, so that the sentence of itself was unconstitutional if tested by the laws of the Church, and unchristian by those of the Scriptures. But the Moderate party เ Church, given by Him who alone is It will not be difficult to trace the main | nance of the poor, without any regular lines of the historical demonstration. assessment, till the year 1755, when the Among the pamphlets which this con- increase of the Secession, withdrawing test between the two parties drew forth, numbers of people from the pale of the by far the most remarkable was "Wither- Established Church, and to the same exspoon's Ecclesiastical Characteristics." tent dimtnishing the collections, rendered This was published in September 1753, it necessary to resort, in some instances, and immediately acquired great celebrity, to regular assessments to supply the both in Scotland and England. The growing deficiency.* This was one of wrath of the Moderate party, whose the fruits of patronage on which its admaxims of ecclesiastical policy is so keen-mirers had not probably calculated, when ly satirized, was excessive; but they wise- they planted that deadly upas tree in the ly abstained from attempting to answer it. vineyard of the Scottish Church. By And it may be safely said, that if any enforcing patronage they first caused a impartial person would take Dr. Robert- Secession; and by continuing their inson's Manifesto, and Witherson's Char- fatuated procedure they nourished its acteristics, and peruse them both candidly, growth, till the effects began to appear in looking also into the records of the the form of diminished resources for the Church courts under Robertson's admin-maintenance of the poor, which they were istration, he would find himself constrain- compelled themselves to supply. Still, as ed to admit that the Moderate policy had been fairly and justly characterised. if smitten with judicial blindness, they continued, and till this day continue, to enforce a system which, if persevered in, can end in nothing but the overthrow of the Presbyterian Church, and the imposition of a national poor-rate, vastly more expensive to the community, and, at the same time, a fertile nursery of immorality and crime. [1754-55.] The transactions of the years 1754 and 1755 present little deserving to be recorded. In the former the case of Biggar was terminated by a compromise. In the latter there arose a discussion, respecting the infidel writings of David Hume, which the Assembly condemned, without however, naming the [1727.] The assembly of 1756 sigauthor, which would not have been con- nalized itself by its decision of the case venient, as he was living in terms of of Nigg in Ross-shire. That parish had friendly inamacy with several of the enjoyed the blessing of a faithful evangeModerate leaders. A short time after the lical minister, Mr. John Balfour; and rising of the Assembly, Hume was de- upon his death the next presentee was not fended by Dr. Blair, in a pamphlet pub- only of a totally opposite character with lished anonymously, to avoid the un-regard to doctrine, but was also accused seemliness of a teacher of religion being the avowed defender of one who made no secret of his infidelity. The speculations of Lord Kames were at the same time brought under consideration, and were virtually included in the same censure; although it seems to have been felt that they might be regarded as little more than the idle mental discussions of an eccentric man of genius, and not likely to be productive of serious injury to the cause of truth.* One apparently slight circumstance incidentally stated by Sir Henry Moncreiff, deserves to be mentioned as connected with this year; it is, that the resources of the kirk-sessions continued to be sufficient for the mainte * Annals of the Assembly, vol. ii. pp. 54-60. See also, Life of Kames, by Lord Woodhouselee. But of drunkenness, which accusation was * Life of Erskine, Appendix, p. 409 The them, if they should settle a man to the justly regarding personal religion as the walls of the kirk.* Having delivered first qualification for an office-bearer in solemnly this appalling message, he de- the Church, and concluding that no man parted, leaving the presbytery astonished could be personally religious who negand paralyzed. They proceeded no fur- lected public and family worship. But ther at the time, but reported the case to it would not have suited Moderate policy the Assembly of 1756. They were re-to have held the possession of personal buked for having failed in that implicit religion as an indispensable qualification obedience which was now the rule of of an office-bearer in the Church. duty under the Moderate government of only qualifications which they regarded the Church; and the minister who was as absolutely indispensable were,-for a most opposed to the settlement was the minister, that he had received a presentavery one appointed to carry it into effect. tion from a patron,—and for an elder, that He yielded. Mr. Patrick Grant was he possessed political influence, or was "settled to the walls of kirk;" and the connected with those who did. And the outraged people of Nigg built a meeting-practice was about that time introduced, house for themselves, leaving to the which soon became the settled custom, of wretched intruder his benefice, on which to batten, without a flock to tend. The case of Jedburg came before this Assembly, though its final decision did not take place till two years afterwards. The parishioners of Jedburgh had almost unanimously petitioned that the Rev. Mr. Boston of Oxnam, son of the celebrated Boston of Etterick, might be their minister. The presentation, however, was given to Bonar, grandson of Bonar of Torphichen; but when he found the inclinations of the people so decidedly fixed on Mr. Boston, he resigned the presentation. The patron might now have consulted the wishes of the people; but that would have been contrary to the principles of the mild government of Moderatism, and therefore a new presentation was given to another person, not likely to commit the fault of which Mr. Bonar had been guilty. [1757] The first subject which engaged the attention of the Assembly in the year 1757, arose out of objections against the commissions of the elders from six or seven different Presbyteries. The defect urged against these commissions was, that they did not bear that the elders were qualified according to the act 1722, in which specific mention is made that elders should be "strict in their observation of the Lord's day, and in regularly keeping up the worship of God in their families." The orthodox and constitutional ministers argued that these commissions ought to be rejected as invalid, on account of this serious defect, * Annals of the Assembly, vol. ii. pp. 77-80; Patronage Report, Appendix. ordaining young lawyers to the eldership, that they might sit in Assemblies, exercise their oratorical powers, and swell the Moderate majorities. It was evident that they might discharge all these functions without any personal religion; and therefore the Moderate party strenuously resisted the attempt to have an attestation of their possessing that qualification declared to be indispensable. The Moderates were successful by a considerable majority; and thus another glaring violation of religious principle and the constitution of the Presbyterian Church was perpetrated. The evil consequences of this irreligious decision were clearly pointed out by Witherspoon, in a dissent which he laid on the table of the Assembly; and they have been completely realized, as the sufferings of the Church even yet too clearly prove. * The next matter which came before the Assembly, after having occupied the attention of a number of the subordinate church courts in different parts of the country, was one which had its origin in the elegant studies and amusements of the Moderate clergymen. The Rev. John Home, minister of Athelstanefore, the eager supporter of Robertson in procuring the deposition of the pious and conscientious Gillespie, had composed the tragedy of Douglas; and when it was represented in the Edinburgh Theatre, both the author and many of his clerical friends were present at the representation. This gave great offence to a large proportion of the Church, both ministers and people, who very justly regarded such conduct as giving countenance to Annals of the Assembly, vol. ii. pp. 102-108, |