the state of torpor into which the Reformation had been cast continued, she might, in all probability, have enjoyed her power for a considerable time, and with no little reputation; for she was possessed of superior abilities, untroubled by conscientious scruples, and able to gild over her designs by plausible artifice and deep dissimulation. But the mind of Scotland was not allowed to remain long in this state of torpidity. The accession of Mary to the English throne on the lamented death of Edward VI. produced an immediate change in religious matters throughout the island. The fierce persecution which arose in England drove several of the English Protestants to Scotland, where they renewed the public preaching, which had been for some time in a great measure suppressed. Of these the most distinguished were William Harlow and John Willock, the latter of whom was afterwards colleague to John Knox. At length, in the end of harvest, in the year 1555, John Knox himself returned to Scotland, and resumed his reforming labours, with double energy, zeal, and success. From Edinburgh, where he first recommenced his toils, he proceeded, along with the justly celebrated John Erskine of Dun, to Angus and Mearns, where he preached in public for a month, rekindling in that district the embers of the Reformation. His next position was at Calder House, where he resided for some time as the friend and guest of Sir James Sandilands, preceptor, or provincial grand-master of the Knights of St. John, who had been for some time attached to the reformed faith, and was a person of distinguished talents, blameless life, and great weight and dignity of character. In his mansion Knox held intercourse with Lord Erskine, subsequently Earl of Mar, and Regent; the Lord of Lorn, afterwards Earl of Argyle; and Lord James Stewart, an illegitimate | son of James V., afterwards Earl of Murray, "the Good Regent." By his intercourse with these noblemen, Knox was at that time framing the nucleus of what subsequently grew into a power capable not only of assuming an attitude of self-defence, but of wielding the kingdom. From Calder House Knox went to Ayrshire, accompanied by Campbell of Kinyeangh, and traversed that district, preaching wherever he had an opportunity, to increasing, attentive, and deeply impressed audiences. The Earl of Glencairn, who alone had opposed the martyrdom of Adam Wallace, gave the full weight of his countenance and support to the teaching of Knox. Continuing his reforming progress Knox again visited Calder, the district of Angus and Mearns, and finally returned to Edinburgh. [1556.] By this time the priesthood were thoroughly roused out of their vain security; and, determining to stem the tide ere it should reach its flood, they summoned Knox to appear in the Blackfriars Church at Edinburgh, on the 15th of May 1556. Knox at once determined to comply with this summons, and confront his opponents; and with that intention came to Edinburgh a little before the day appointed, accompanied by Erskine of Dun, and several other gentlemen. But the clergy were not prepared to deal summarily with this dauntless antago nist. They were not sure how far the queen-regent would support them, and they deserted the diet, and allowed Knox to keep the field unchallenged. He, on his part, did not let slip the opportunity: he preached openly in Edinburgh, deepening the impression formerly made, and increasing the alarm and confusion of his enemies. Some of the nobility, who were equally impressed and astonished with the convincing power of his fervid eloquence, persuaded him to write to the queen-regent, hoping that, if she could be prevailed on to hear him, she too might be converted to the reformed faith. But after glancing carelessly over his letter, she handed it to the archbishop of Glasgow, saying, in a tone of mockery, "Please you, my Lord, to read a pasquil." So vanished the hope of her reformation. While John Knox was thus strenuously engaged in promoting the Reformation, in his native country, letters came from his former flock in Geneva, earnestly pressing him to return to his charge among them. After revisiting those parts of Scotland where he had previously preached, and spending a few days at Castle Campbell with the aged Earl of Argyle, he departed for Geneva in July 1556. He was no sooner gone than the clergy renewed their summons; and upon his failing to appear, he was condemned of heresy, and burned in effigy at the market-cross of Edinburgh,an achievement sufficiently showing the fangless malice of his enemies. Although John Knox had left Scotland, the reformed doctrines continued to be preached in different parts of the country. John Douglas, John Douglas, a Carmelite friar, renouncing the errors of Popery, became chaplain to the aged Earl of Argyle; and when the archbishop of St. Andrews endeavoured to persuade the earl to dismiss his suspected chaplain, he positively refused, and continued to protect him till his own decease. Willock, about the same time, arrived from the Continent; and Paul Methven began to preach the Protestant doctrines in Dundee, as did others in Angus and Mearns. The clergy perceiving that their own power was now insufficient for the suppression of what they termed heresy, prevailed on the queen-regent to summon the preachers before the council of state, and there to have them accused of stirring up sedition among the people,-a device to which persecutors have very often since resorted, for the purpose of at once accomplishing the object, and escaping the odium of persecution. But this device was, in this instance, completely frustrated. When the preachers came to Edinburgh, such numbers of their friends came along with them, that it was judged dangerous to proceed to extremities. A proclamation was, however, issued, ordering all who had come to the town without having been commanded, to repair immediately to the borders, and there remain fifteen days under the banner of the lieutenant-general. The Protestant gentlemen, penetrating easily into the object of this proclamation, assembled together, and, instead of obeying it, proceeded to court, and forced themselves with little ceremony into the presence of the queen, then sitting in council with the bishops. Chalmers of Gadgirth, a bold and zealous man, spoke in the name of all: :-"Madam, we know that this proclamation is a device of the bishops, and of that bas tard, (the primate of St. Andrews) that stands beside you. We avow to God, that ere we yield, we will make a day of it. These idle drones oppress us and our tenants; they trouble our preachers, and would murder them and us. Shall we suffer this any longer? No, madam, it shall not be." And therewith every man put on his steel bonnet. The queen-regent had recourse to fair words, disavowed the proclamation, and discharged the citation of the preachers. Thus that storm blew past. * A few days after this there was a ludicrous tumult of the people, at a procession in honour of St. Giles, when the image was thrown scornfully to the ground, drawn through the mix of the streets, its head beaten off, the body thrown into the North Loch, and then dragged out and burned. These events so discouraged the queen and the clergy, that they thought it expedient to abandon their persecuting schemes, and to endeavour to procure an accession of strength before they should again provoke the courage of the Protestant gentry and the tumults of the people. This accession of strength they expected to obtain by procuring an act of the Scottish parliament to confer the crown-matrimonial of Scotland on Francis the Dauphin, and husband of Mary; by which scheme there would be so close a union between France and Scotland, the king of the one country being also the king of the other, that French power would give the popish clergy paramount influence in Scotland, and enable them to extirpate the Reformation by force. [1557.] But while the queen-regent and the prelates were concocting this deep scheme, the Scottish protestants became anxious for the return of Knox from Geneva. A letter was accordingly sent to him in March 1557, signed by the Earl of Glencairn, and Lords Erskine, Lorn, and James Stewart, inviting him in their own name, and in that of their brethren, to return to Scotland, where he would find them all ready to receive him, and to jeopard their lives and fortunes in the cause of true religion. Having consulted Calvin and his other friends at Geneva, and been by them advised to comply with the request, Knox prepared to take Knox, Historie, p. 94. wha: he expected to be a final farewell of | covenants, we shall present it to the reader Geneva, and then proceeded on his jour-entire, merely modernizing the spelling. ney through France to Dieppe. When "We, perceiving how Satan, in his he arrived at Dieppe, he received letters members the antichrists of our time, crufrom Scotland of a tenor so discoura- elly doth rage, seeking to downthrow ging as to cause him to delay his farther and destroy the evangel of Christ and his journey till he should receive additional congregation, ought, according to our information as to the real state of matters bounden duty, to strive in our master's in his native country. While at Dieppe cause, even unto the death, being certain he wrote a letter to the nobility by whom of the victory in him: the which, our he had been invited, upbraiding them duty being well considered, we do promsharply for their timidity and fickleness ise before the Majesty of God and his of purpose. Being unwilling to abandon congregation, That we, by his grace, the enterprise, he continued to reside at shall with all diligence continually apply Dieppe for several months, expecting a our whole power, substance, and our very more favourable answer from Scotland; lives, to maintain, set forward, and estaband employing his time in writing some lish the most blessed Word of God, and very long and able letters of a public his congregation; and shall labour at our character, in particular, one against the possibility to have faithful ministers, erroneous tenets of the Anabaptists, and purely and truly to minister Christ's another to the Scottish nobility on their evangel and sacraments to his people. duties in general, and on the question of We shall maintain them, nourish them, resistance to supreme rulers. Not re- and defend them, the whole congregation. ceiving such answers, and so directly as of Christ, and every member thereof, at he wished, he returned again to Geneva our whole powers, and wairing [expendin the beginning of the year 1558. ing] of our lives against Satan and all wicked power that does intend tyranny and trouble against the foresaid congregation. Unto the which holy word and congregation we do join us; and also do renounce and forsake the congregation of Satan, with all the superstitions, abominations and idolatry thereof. And moreover shall declare ourselves manifestly enemies thereto, by this our faithful promise before God, testified to his congregation, by our subscription at these presents. At Edinburgh the 3d day of December 1557 years. God called to witness."* In the meantime matters were rapidly maturing in Scotland. Notwithstanding the discouraging letters which Knox had received at Dieppe, the chief of the nobility who invited him were still prepared to stand by their invitation; and, in fact, renewed it, in a letter sent to Geneva by a special messenger. And although the return of Knox was delayed, yet his letters from Dieppe seemed to have little less influence than his presence might have had. The lords and chief gentry, devoted to the reforming interests, resolved to meet at Edinburgh, and, by a general consultation, to determine what was now best for them to do. They came to the noble resolution that they would persevere in their defence of the reformed religion; and, that they might have the confidence and strength of confirmed union, they resolved to frame a common bond or covenant, engaging them to mutual support in defence of each other and of the gospel.* This very remarkable document, which has been commonly called The FIRST COVENANT, was subscribed at Edinburgh, on the 3d of December 1557; and on account of its great importance, both in its own time, and as setting the example of similar This bond, or covenant, was subscribed by the Earls of Argyle, Glencairn, and Morton, Archibald, lord of Lorn, John Erskine of Dun, and a great number of other distinguished men among the lesser barons and influential country gentlemen. From the repeated recurrence of the word congregation in this document, the chief subscribers were after this called Lords of the Congregation; and the people who adhered to them were called the Congregation. Though they had thus both ascertained and confirmed their strength, the Lords of the Congregation were desirous to act in the most temperate manner, and Knox, Historie, p. 101. I cannot live long by course of nature; but a hundred better shall rise out of the ashes of my bones. I trust in God, shall be the last that shall suffer death in Scotland for this cause. not to provoke an actual conflict, unless | April 1558, Mill expired amidst the it could not possibly be avoided. They flames, uttering these words, " As for me, resolved, therefore, to rest satisfied with I am fourscore and two years old, and requesting the queen-regent to cause all country curates and pastors to perform the services of religion in the English language; consenting that the reformed preachers should teach in private houses only, till permission should be obtained This barbarous deed stirred the heart for them to preach in public. This peti- of the reforming party in Scotland, like tion was presented to the queen-regent by the sound of a trumpet. The people of Sir James Sandilands. To this she re- St. Andrews raised a great pile of stones turned a plausible answer, promising to on the spot where he was burned, to grant the prayer of the petition as far as commemorate his martyrdom. might be practicable, and, in the mean- Lords of the Congregation complained time, granting protection to the Protes-to the queen-regent against the unpartant preachers till some uniform arrangement might be established by parliament, provided there should be no public meetings held in Edinburgh and Leith. In consequence of this interim arrangement, the chief Protestant preachers were received into the houses of the Lords of the Congregation, and restricted their teaching in a great measure to the households where they resided. The alleled barbarity of the bishops. And the Protestant preachers availing themselves of the ferment throughout the kingdom, broke through the restraints to which they had submitted for the sake of peace, and began to preach with increased fervour and publicity. But the measures of the queen-regent were not yet matured, and therefore she renewed her deep dissimulation. She declared to the Protestant lords that she was not guilty of the death of Walter Mill, who, being a priest, belonged properly to the jurisdiction of the Church. She engaged to do every thing in her power to procure redress in a legal form from parliament; and succeeded in deceiving the Lords of the Congregation, whom she could not venture openly to offend till she had procured their aid in accomplishing her own deep scheme. [1558.] The popish clergy being now unable to wreak their vengeance on the chief Protestant preachers, determined to show no mercy to any whom they could get within their power. There was an aged priest, named Walter Mill, who had been accused of heresy in the days of Cardinal Beaton, but had contrived to escape at that time from his murderous hands. Mill had continued to live in comparative concealment, for several years, occasionally preaching in public, but more commonly in private, in differ- In the parliament which met in Octoent quarters of the kingdom. Being ber 1558, she contrived to balance the lately discovered by one of the arch- bishops, the party headed by Arran, and bishop's spies, he was seized and brought the Lords of the Congregation, against to trial at St. Andrews. The venerable each other, in such a manner as to proman, bowed down with the weight of cure the consent of all that the crown years, for he was upwards of four-score, matrimonial should be given to Francis, defended himself on the day of his trial who would thereby be king of both with great spirit and ability. He was, France and Scotland. In the same parnevertheless, condemned to be burned at liament, previous to the completion of this the stake; but so great was the compas- arrangement, the Lords of the Congregasion felt for him, and such the horror tion were prepared to present a petition awakened by this barbarous outrage of seeking the redress of the grievances in all that man holds sacred in the hoary religious matters of which they had prehead of drooping human nature, that no viously complained; but the wily regent person could be got to aid in the execu- contrived to induce them to withhold tion of the sentence, till the archbishop it for the present, and to content themcommanded one of his own domestics to selves with publicly reading such a properpetrate the crime. On the 28th of Knox, p. 122; Spotswood, pp. 95-97. test as should completely reserve their right to have the subject re-introduced when another opportunity should occur. To the protest the queen-regent answered verbally, that she would remember what was protested, and put order afterwards to all that was in controversy. With this promise the Protestant lords were satisfied, and their suspicions lulled asleep. But having now gained her object in securing the crown-matrimonial to the Dauphin of France, she gave private assurance of support to the archbishop of St. Andrews, and consulted with him how most thoroughly and speedily to suppress the Reformation. Dr. Robertson* has stated very clearly and convincingly the deep and daring scheme of the princes of the house of Lorraine, brothers of the queen-regent of Scotland, with which that able and unscrupulous princess was fully acquainted, and which formed in truth the leading principle of all her own political machinations. It was to the following effect: The formation of a league between France and Spain for the utter destruction of the Reformation throughout Europe; and as England was the most powerful Protestant kingdom, and Elizabeth was now its sovereign, it was necessary that she should be dethroned, and the crown bestowed on a popish monarch. As Mary, the young queen of Scotland, was the nearest heir to the English crown, it was thought that the best method of accomplishing their design would be, by suppressing the Reformation in Scotland, establishing the French and popish influence in that country, and through it assailing Elizabeth. It was essential to the complete arrangement of this gigantic scheme that the crown-matrimonial of Scotland should be secured to the Dauphin of France, Mary's husband; and for this reason did the queen-regent employ all her artifice to blind and cajole the Lords of the Congregation, and to induce them to consent to recognise Francis and Mary as king and queen of Scotland, distinctly promising that she would then, supported by the authority of the kingly name, make such arrangements as should protect their preachers and themselves from the malice and ha • Robertson's History of Scotland. tred of the bishops, and promote the reformation of religion.* Having now accomplished her pur pose, the queen-regent prepared to throw aside the mask which she had so long worn. Accordingly, in the end of December 558, with her concurrence, the preachers of the reformed doctrines were summoned to appear at St. Andrews, be fore the archbishop, on the 2d day of February following, to answer for their conduct in usurping the sacred office, and disseminating heretical doctrines. Upon this, a deputation of the Protest. ants waited on the queen-regent, and endeavoured to dissuade her from permitting the adoption of such violent measures; declaring, that after what had recently taken place in the instance of the martyr Mill, they were determined to attend and see justice done to their preachers, and that, if the prosecution went on, there would be such a number present to witness it as had been rarely seen in Scotland. This declaration so far alarmed the regent, that she caused the trial to be postponed; at the same time summoning a convention of the nobility, to be held at Edinburgh on the 7th of March, 1559, to advise upon the most proper measures for settling the religious differences by which the nation had been so long agitated; and, that these matters might be fully discussed, the primate, at her request called a provincial council of the clergy, to meet in the same place on the 1st of March. [1559.] The convention of nobility and council of clergy met at the time ap pointed, and the Protestants having also assembled at Edinburgh, appointed commissioners to lay their representations before each of these bodies. To the council of clergy they gave in certain preliminary articles of reformation, in which they craved that the religious service should be performed in the native tongue; that such as were unfit for the pastoral office should be removed from their benefices; that, in future, bishops should be admitted with the assent of the barons of the diocese, and parish priests with the assent of the parishioners; and that measures should be adopted for pre *Knox, Historie, p. 110; Spotswood, p. 120; M'Crie's Life of Knox. |