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duce some creatures of their own to accept the title, while they should them selves, in the ame of those mercenary sycophants, draw and enjoy the revenues. This device seems to have been concocted between Lord. Erskine, afterwards Earl of Mar, and the Earl of Morton.

[1562.] The next General Assembly met in June 1562. In it several matters of importance were transacted, tending to the completion of the judicatorial arrangements of the Church; such as the appointment of the method of trying, and, if necessary, censuring, superintendents, ministers, and elders; authority to excommunicate the "inobedient;" and it was added, that "the magistrate, subject to the rule of Christ, be not exeemed from the same punishment, being found guilty and inobedient.' It is observable also, that in this Assembly the formal style of supreme authority was used— "The haill Kirk appoints and decerns."

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the more exactly related, because, slight | casting nobles had a very different as they may seem, they indicate very scheme in view. If they could construct correctly the main grounds of the hos-a kind of pseudo-prelacy, they might intility which began to arise between the Protestant nobility and the ministers, and also serve to point out the course which that hostility was likely soon to take, and, in fact, did take. The more that the nobility became accustomed to the loose manners prevalent in a court formed, as far as possible, on the model of the licentious court of France, the less were they inclined to conform themselves to the strict and pure morality of the Book of Discipline. And naving given two-thirds of the patrimony of the Church to the popish clergy during the remainder of their lives, they had rendered it impossible to comply with the scheme for supporting the poor and endowing schools and colleges. The dilapidated state of the crown revenues had long rendered the Scottish monarchs in a great meas ure dependent on the gifts which they received at times from the wealthiest of the nobility, but more generally from the dignitaries of the Church. Had a portion of these two-thirds of the Church revenues been devoted to the maintenance of the crown, it might have been a wise and a just method of employing them, and lightening the public burdens of the country; but nothing could be more unjust than to leave them in the possession of such unworthy persons, and then to rob the laborious preachers of the gospel, and give the pillage of their stinted allowance to the queen. There is reason to believe, that when the queen consented to this arrangement, she anticipated the overthrow of the reformed Church, and the re-establishment of the popish; and, in that case, she expected to retain the entire third in her own hands, in addition to what benefactions she might receive from the popish clergy. Although this expectation was never realized, the arrangement gave rise to another evil, which might have been, and perhaps was foreseen. The two-thirds were secured to the ejected clergy during their lives; but upon their deaths, how was this large revenue to be bestowed? It might revert to the Church, and then the scheme of the Book of Discipline might be accomplished. This ought to have been the case; but some of the more fore

The only matters of public importance which occurred during the early part of that year were, the elevation of Lord James Stewart to the earldom of Murray; by which title he is henceforth to be known; and the rebellious enterprise of the Marquis of Huntly, in which he fell in battle. The death of Huntly weakened the popish party, and seemed to confirm the influence of the Earl of Murray; but the infamous Earl of Bothwell, about the same time began that course of daring intrigues which ended in the ruin of the queen, and his own miserable death in a Danish prison.

During the course of the summer of that year, in consequence of the paucity of ministers and superintendents, John Knox was sent as a visitor, to preach and plant churches in Galloway, and George Hay in Ayrshire. Returning through the latter district, Knox held a public disputation with the Abbot of Crassaguel. who had been induced to attempt the defence of Popery in that manner. About the same time John Craig was appointed colleague to John Knox in Edinburgh, who was now beginning to sink beneath the intensity of his labours, which he had so long endured.

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* Booke of the Universall Kirk, p. 10.

Another meeting of the General Assembly took place in December, the same year, in which it continued steadily to advance in the course of reformation, and of what might be not inaptly termed self-construction. As many of the former parish priests continued to reside in their parishes, and, without any formal abjuration of Popery, pretended to act as parish ministers, the Assembly, to remedy this evil, prohibited from serving in the ministry all who had not satisfied the Church of their soundness in the faith, and had not been examined and approved by the superintendent; and it was added, "This act to have strength as well against them that are called bishops, as others." The same Assembly erected provincial synods, to meet regularly twice a-year, with power to translate as well as to appoint ministers. A commission was also nominated to treat with the lords of the privy council, for the purpose of coming to an understanding as to the jurisdiction of the Church, manifestly with the view of averting the danger of any collision arising between two coordinate jurisdictions, the separate provinces of which had not been defined and settled by mutual agreement. So early did the Church of Scotland anticipate that danger, all the while proceeding in the exercise of that jurisdiction which belonged to its sacred character and inherent powers.

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Mary seemed now on the point of realizing the fruits of her deep and crafty policy. And, in order the more completely to lull the Protestants into security, she, on the 19th of May, caused the archbishop of St. Andrews, and a number of the principal Papists, to be arraigned before the Lord Justice-General, for transgressing the laws; and they, aware probably of her politic design, having come in her majesty's will, were committed to ward. The Protestants in general were highly delighted with this instance of justice and impartial-seeming administration of the laws of the queen; and began to entertain sanguine expectations that she would now ratify the reformed religion, and perhaps conform to it herself. Following up her scheme, she convoked a parliament, which met on the 21st of May. When Knox urged the Protestant lords to procure from the queen in this Parliament the complete ratification of the reformed Church, they declined, referring to the present more favourable conduct of the queen, and the [156] In the spring of the year inexpediency of urging such matters so 1563, an event occurred which had rapidly forward as to incur the hazard of nearly hastened a direct conflict between giving her offence, and thereby renewing the popish and the reformed parties her former hostility. The altercation beearlier than the temporizing policy of tween Knox and the Earl of Murray on the queen would have wished. The this subject became so hot, that it caused knowledge of her favour, and the per- a total suspension of all friendly interceived disagreement between the Pro- course between them, which lasted for testant lords and the ministers, gave such nearly two years, greatly to the injury of encouragement to the popish party, that the Protestant cause. So far had the many of them openly celebrated mass at crafty policy of the queen prevailed with Easter. It will be recollected that this the nobility, that instead of demanding had been prohibited by the parliament of the ratification of the treaty of Edin1560, on pain of very severe penalties, burgh, and the establishment of the Proamounting even to death for the third of- testant Church, they consented to receive fence. The Protestants, highly incensed an act of oblivion, securing indemnity at this open violation of the law, resolved to enforce it themselves, without farther application to the queen, and even in disregard of her threatened displeasure. The queen at first endeavoured to induce Booke of the Universall Kirk, pp. 12, 13.

to those who had been engaged in the late civil war. The very mode of its enactment virtually implied the invalidity of the treaty in which it had been embodied; for the Protestant lords, on their bended knees, supplicated as a boon from

their sovereign, what they had formerly | according to their request; but a copy of won with their swords, and repeatedly it falling into the hands of Sinclair, bishop demanded as their right.

John Knox publicly and severely reprehended the conduct of the Protestant lords; and, adverting to the report of the queen's marriage, which was then prevalent, predicted the consequences which would ensue, if ever the nobility consented that their sovereign should marry a Papist. For this boldness, he was summoned to appear before the queen in council, and a very sharp altercation ensued between them, in which Knox defended himself with unshaken firmness, alike unmoved by her threatenings or her She was persuaded, however, by the lords of the council, to abandon the idea of a prosecution. "And so," says Knox, "that storm quieted in appearance, but never in the heart.”

tears.

of Ross, and president of the Court of Session, was by him transmitted to the queen at Stirling. She communicated it to her privy council, who, to her great satisfaction, pronounced it treasonable. This was what the queen had long wished; and she accordingly gave orders that an extraordinary meeting of councillors, assisted by other noblemen, should be held at Edinburgh, to try the cause; and the reformer was summoned to appear before this convention.

Previous to the day of trial, great influence was used in private to persuade him to acknowledge that he had committed a fault, and to throw himself on the queen's mercy. This neither the entreaties of friends nor the threats of enemies could prevail upon him to do. On the day of trial, the public mind was excited to an intense degree of anxiety. The cause. of the Reformation appeared to depend on the issue; and both parties regarded it with the most tremulous and eager interest. Secretary Lethington took the disreputable office of accuser; but was repeatedly and unbecomingly interrupted by the queen herself, when she thought he was not prosecuting the_matter with sufficient point and force. Knox defended himself with such skill and ability as to refute every accusation brought against him. The main charge was that of illegally convoking the queen's lieges, and charging herself with cruelty. This charge he met and answered, so as completely to baffle both the sophistry of Lethington, and the angry vehemence of the queen. At length he was ordered to retire for that night; and the judgment of the council was taken respecting his conduct.

The storm in the heart had soon another opportunity of bursting forth. During the residence of the queen at Stirling, in the month of August, the domestics whom she had left behind her in Holyrood-house celebrated the popish worship with greater publicity than had been usual, even when she was present. This gave great offence to the inhabitants of Edinburgh; and a slight popular tumult, not attended with injury, or even danger to any one, ensued. Reports, extremely exaggerated, were carried to the queen, who declared her determination not to return to Edinburgh until this riot was punished; and commanded two of the Protestants to be indicted to stand trial for the offence said to be committed. Dreading an intention to proceed to extremities against these men, and that their condemnation would be a preparative to some hostile attempt against their religion, the Protestants in Edinburgh resolved that Knox, agreeably to a com- All of them, with the exception of the mission which he had received from the immediate dependents of the court, gave Church, should write a circular letter it as their opinion that he had not been to the principal gentlemen of the re- guility of any breach of the laws. The formed faith, informing them of the cir- secretary, who had assured the queen of cumstances, and requesting their pre- his condemnation, was enraged at this sence on the day of trial. It will be re- decision. It will be re- decision. He brought her majesty, who collected, that a similar course of proce- had previously retired, again into the dure had been repeatedly adopted by the room, and proceeded to call the votes a reformers in their previous contests with second time. This attempt to overawe the queen-regent, so that it was com- them incensed the nobility. "What!" pletely accordant with the usage of the said they, "shall the laird of Lethington Church and nation. He wrote the letter | have power to control us? or shall the

presence of a woman cause us to offend | liberty to appeal to the Synod, and, if neGod, and to condemn an innocent man, cessary, from the Synod to the General against our consciences?" They then Assembly, "from which it shall not be repeated the vote which they had already lawful to the said party to appeal." given, absolving Knox from all offence, There were also various other regulaand, at the same time, praising his modest tions framed for the perfecting of the juappearance, and the judicious manner indicatorial powers and arrangements of which he had conducted his defence.* the Church.

The effects of this trial were various It has been already stated, that in the and extensive. The Protestant part of December meeting of Assembly, John the community were justly indignant at Knox was vindicated from the accusation the attempt made upon Knox, and of having convoked the Protestant minalarmed with the proof thereby given of isters and elders on his own authority the queen's determined hostility. On alone. On alone. By the same Assembly John the other hand, the queen could not con- Willock was appointed moderator, or trol her indignation at the reformer's president, "to prevent confusion in reaescape; and the effects of her resentment soning." He was the first moderator of fell upon those who had voted for his ex- the Church of Scotland. This Assembly culpation, or failed to procure his con- also passed an act, expressing their conviction. The Earl of Murray lost her sent, "that for their own parts, tenants, confidence; and even Lethington sunk and occupiers of the ground should have in her favour. They attempted to in- their own teinds or tithes upon composiduce Knox to soothe her by a voluntary tion ;"-a most important arrangement submission; but to this he would not for setting free agricultural industry, preconsent. They next attempted to weaken venting harsh and vexatious exactions, his influence among his brethren of the and removing one great cause of strife ministry, representing to them that Knox between the Church and the people. exercised a despotic and popish authority This act is another clear proof of the in the Church, inconsistent with their wise and enlightened views of the Scotfreedom and equality. tish reformers, who were in almost every respect very far in advance of their age. It may be mentioned also, that non-residence was prohibited, and one minister suspended, by this Assembly.

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These secret machinations were met by Knox with his usual open and manly intrepidity of character. At the meeting of the General Assembly in December of the same year, he refused to take part in the public deliberations of the Church, till an inquiry should be made into his conduct in writing the late circular letter, and it should be declared whether he had gone beyond the commission with which he had been intrusted. The court party endeavoured to prevent the discussion of this question; but it was taken up, and the Assembly decided, by a great majority, that he had been charged with such a commission, and that in the advertisement which he had lately given he had not exceeded his powers.

[1564.] The year 1564 was not signalized by any events of peculiar importance; but the hostility between the Protestant ministers and the courtiers continued unabated. In the month of June a conference was held between the principal statesmen and the ministers of the Church, respecting the liberty demanded and exercised by the latter of animadverting freely in the pulpit on every topic which concerned the purity of public morals and the welfare of religion. In an elaborate debate with Lethington, Knox defended the leading points of his conduct and doctrine on this subject, which had given offence to the court.

In the preceding Assembly, held in June, one of the most important principles of our existing system of church" This debate," says Principal Robertgovernment was established. It was "statute and ordained," that any person thinking himself aggrieved by the sentence of the kirk-session should have

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son, "admirably displays the talents and character of both the disputants; the acuteness of the former, embellished with learning, but prone to subtlety; the vigorous understanding of the latter, delighting in bold sentiments, and superior to

all fear."*
The reader who wishes to
peruse a full statement of this debate may
turn to Knox's History of the Reforma-
tion in Scotland, or to the account of it
given in Dr. M'Crie's Life of the re-
former.t

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An Assembly was held in June, in which a committee was appointed to reason and confer anent the causes of the whole Kirk and jurisdiction thereof," and to report to next Assembly. Permission to go to foreign parts was refused to a minister applying for it, and he was ❝ordained not to leave his congregation. The sentence of suspension was taken off from another, and he was restored to his ministry. Another minister was deposed for contumacy. Thus did the Church proceed, completing its arrangements, asserting its authority, and carrying its decrees into actual execution, irrespective of the frowns or smiles of parliaments and courts.

The Assembly met again in December the same year, and directed seven articles respecting the prohibition of the mass, the provision of the ministry, the reparation of kirks, &c., to be presented to the privy council and the queen, requiring an answer to each of the particulars. The rest of its time was occupied with matters of discipline.

[1565.] The year 1565 began with events at first apparently of little moment, yet containing the germs of what proved to be the cause of great individual and national calamity. Towards the close of the preceding year, Matthew Stewart, earl of Lennox, after an exile of twenty years, obtained permission to return to Scotland, and was soon afterwards followed by his son, Henry Stewart, Lord Darnley. It will be remembered by those who are acquainted with Scottish history, that Lennox, besides being himself of royal extraction, had received from Henry VIII. in marriage, his own niece, the Lady Margaret Douglas, uterine sister of James V. of Scotland.

Darnley was thus the nearest heir to both the English and the Scottish crowns, failing any direct heirs from the two reigning queens, Elizabeth and Mary. There was, therefore, at least a political convenience in a union between him and

* Robertson's Hist. of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 109. + Knox's Hist. pp. 348-366; M'Crie, pp. 273-283.

Mary, as likely to preclude any competition for the crown of either country.

It does not appear, however, that Mary was swayed by such considerations, but by the sudden and strong passion which she conceived for the young nobleman himself, almost at the first interview between them. Some of the deeper politicians had, it appears, anticipated as much; and, in particular, Lethington had exerted himself to procure permission from Elizabeth for the return of Lennox and Darnley to Scotland; aware, as he himself declared, that he was thereby likely to incur the direct hostility of the powerful house of Hamilton, whose hopes of succession to the Scottish throne would be thwarted. The Protestant lords, those of them at least whom court influence had not succeeded in corrupting, were from the first dissatisfied with the queen's regard to Darnley, and opposed to her marriage. Darnley, had not, indeed, exhibited any peculiar regard for any religion; but so far as he had indicated his predilections, he appeared to be inclined to Popery. Every endeavour was made by the queen to procure the consent of the nobility to her marriage with Darnley. She even promised to grant the royal sanction to the legal establishment of the Protestant religion, which had been hitherto evaded, as soon as a parliament could be conveniently assembled. On this condition she procured the consent of the greater part of the nobles; but the Earl of Murray continued to refuse, nor could either the entreaties or the threatenings of the queen move him to consent to a measure which his better judgment strongly condemned.

The queen, finding herself thus opposed, resolved upon the ruin of Murray. For this purpose she recalled his personal enemy, the notorious. Bothwell, to court, and restored the Huntly family to their forfeited estates and titles. Having thus strengthened her party, Mary hastened her marriage with such precipitation as to anticipate any opposition; and on the 19th of July 1565, the nuptials were solemnized, and Darnley proclaimed king, without the consent of the estates of the kingdom. As Murray had refused his consent to the marriage, Darnley was determined to revenge this oppo

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