Alfred's embassy. It only remains to inquire if such journeys were in those days undertaken, and if it is probable that the ambassadors, having commenced such an expedition, could have been able to have completed it.

That a Persian ambassador should visit Charlemagne (1); that Arcuulfus should, in the eighth century, travel to Jerusalem, Damascus, and Alexandria (2); and that Abel, the patriarch of Jerusalem, should have sent letters with presents, and of course messengers to Alfred (3), are circumstances which make the Indian embassy credible.

We have the account of another journey in the same century, which also proves that there were spirits then existing, whose curiosity for such distant expeditions prevailed over their fears.

In 870, three monks desirous to see the places so celebrated in the Christian writings, undertook a journey to Palestine, and the Egyptian Babylon. Their itinerary, written by Bernard, one of the travellers, is extant (4). They first went to Mount Garganum, in which they found the church of St. Michael. This is near the Gulf of Manfredonia. An hundred and fifty miles brought them to Barre, then a city of the Saracens, but which had once been subject to the Beneventans. This is on the south-east side of Italy; they sought admission to the prince of the city, who was called a suldan, and obtained leave to prosecute their journey with letters to the chief of Alexandria and Babylon, describing their countenances, and the object of their journey.

From Barre, they walked ninety miles to the port of Tarentum, where they found six ships, two going to Tripoli, and two to other parts of Africa, with some captives. After thirty days' sailing they reached Alexandria; here the master of the ship exacted six pieces of gold before he would let them leave it (5).

They produced to the governor of Alexandria the letter of the suldan of Barre, but it did them no good; a present of thirteen denarii a piece was more serviceable. Bernard remarks, that it was the custom of Alexandria, to take the money by weight; he says, six of the solidi and denarii which they carried out with them, weighed only three of those at Alexandria. The governor gave them letters to the chief of Babylon; but by Babylon, it is obvious that Bernard means a principal city in Egypt, and not the famous Babylon which spread along the Euphrates.

Sailing up the Nile south for six days, they came to the city of Egyptian

(1) See the Astronomer's Annales Francorum, ann. 807, in Reuberi Germ. Script. p. 35. (2) See the first volume of this history.

(3) Asser declares, that he saw and read these letters. "Nam etiam de Hierosolyma Abel patriarchæ epistolas et dona illi directas vidimus et legimus," p. 58. It appears to me very likely, that the emissaries of Abel supplied Alfred with the local information that he wanted. Mesopotamia was the great seat of the Nestorians, and it is very reasonable to suppose, that the patriarch of Jerusalem and his officers were well acquainted with the diffusion of this party.

(4) It is in MS. in the Cotton Library, Faustina, B. 1., and it has been printed by Mabillon in his Acta Benedict. from another MS.; he dates it 870. The latter MS. has 970. It begins thus: "Anno ab incarnatione Domini nostri Jesu Christi 970, in nomine Domini volentes videre loca sanctorum quæ fuerunt Jerosolymis, ego Bernardus duobus memet ipsum sociavi fratribus in devotione caritatis ex quibus erat unus ex monasterio Beati Vincenti Beneventani nomine Theudemundus, alter Hispanus nomine Stephanus; igitur adeuntes in urbe papæ Nicolai præsentiam obtinuimus cum sua benedictione nec non et auxilio pergendi desideratam licentiam."

(5) He says, that wishing to go ashore they were hindered, "A principe nautarum qui erant super 60, ut autem nobis copia daretur exeundi, dedimus aureos x." MSS.

Babylon (1). The guards of the place conducted them to the governor : their letters were useless, and they were sent to prison; a present of denarii as before released them. In return for this, he made them out letters, which, he said, whoever saw, would in no place or town exact any more. They could not leave this Babylon without a sealed permission, which some more denarii were required to obtain.

Bernard proceeds to describe his journey from Egypt to Jerusalem (2), which need not be given here, as enough has been extracted to give some idea of the practicability and course of oriental expeditions. He mentions one trait of Jerusalem, which shews that some intercourse was maintained by devotion between these distant places and the west of Europe. He says, "We were received there in the mansion of hospitality of the most glorious Charlemagne, in which all are received who visit this place for devotion, and who speak the Roman language (3)." From Jerusalem they sailed in sixty days, with an unfavourable wind, to Italy.

These particulars shew, that it was very practicable to get to Alexandria and up the Nile, into the interior of Egypt, and to traverse Egypt and Palestine, although among Mahometans. What then should make it more difficult for a traveller to go on through Egypt to Suez, or at Suez to find shipping for the coast of Malabar?

Some further circumstances may be noted which must have considerably facilitated the progress of Alfred's ambassadors. Of these, the great infiuence of the Nestorian Christians in the courts of the Mussulman princes may be ranked among the chief.

Nestorians were frequently appointed by the Saracen caliphs, to the government of cities, provinces, and towns, especially in Adjabene and in Assyria (4). In the ninth century, these districts were actually under the Nestorian government (5).

The scribes and physicians of the Caliphs, and chiefs of Arabia, were also in general Nestorians (6). This courtly situation gave them great influence among their own party (7), and must have frequently enabled them to extend to their friends a very powerful protection.

Now as the Nestorians abounded over Persia, Chaldæa, Mesopotamia,

(1) He states, that Alexandria was on the sea; on the east and west was a monastery; north was the gate of the city. "A meridie habuit introitum Gyon sive Nilus qui rigat Egyptum et currit per mediam civitatem intrans in mare in prædicto portu. In quo intrantes navigimus ad meridiem diebus sex et venimus ad civitatem Babyloniæ Egypti ubi regnavit quondam Pharao rex." MSS.

(2) It is shortly; back up the Nile in three days to Sitinuth; thence to Maalla; thence they sailed to Amiamate, quæ habuit ab aquilone mare; thence sailed to Tanis, to Faramea; here was a multitude of camels. The desert of six days' journey began from this city; it had only palm-trees; in the middle were two hospitia; the earth was fertile to Gaza; thence to Alariza, to Ramula, to Emaus Castle, to Jerusalem.

(3) Cui adjacet ecclesia in honore Scæ Mariæ nobilissimam habens bibliothecam studio prædicti Imperatoris. Ibid.

(4) Hinc primo adhibiti a Chaliphis ad regimen provinciarum urbium oppidorum ex eadem secta præfecti quorum mentio in historia Nestoriana frequenter occurrit, ac præsertim in Adjabene et in Assyria, ubi plurimi habitabant. Assemanni, p. 96.

(5) Assem. ib.

(6) Secundo tam Chaliphæ quam regni Arabici proceres Nestorianis scribis medicisque usi. He adduces a great many instances, both of physicians and scribes, or secretaries. Assem. 97.

(7) Horum scribarum medicorumque tanta erat in christianos suæ sectæ auctoritas ut neque patriarcharum electiones neque ecclesiastica negotia ipsis inconsultis conficerentur. Assem. ib.

Syria, Arabia, and Egypt (1), and as Alfred's mission was to one of their Indian colonies, and to do honour to the apostle whom they so much reverenced, and whose remains they professed to have preserved, his ambassadors would of course experience all the friendship and protection which their leaders could display or obtain. If, from Jerusalem, the Saxon bishop took his journey to the Euphrates, to sail to India from the Persian gulph; or if, from Alexandria, he went to Suez, and thence navigated from the Red Sea to the coast of Malabar; yet both tracts abounded with Nestorians, and of course with persons willing and able to instruct, to guide, and to protect him.

We may therefore infer, from all these facts, that there is nothing improbable, nor even romantic, in Alfred's embassy to India. The authorities which affirm it are respectable, and from the credibility which they derive from the other circumstances alluded to they may be trusted.

(1) See Assemanni, 81.

BOOK THE SIXTH.

CHAPTER I.

The Reign of Edward the Elder.

Edward the
Elder.

901.

Alfred had been called to the crown in preference to the children of his elder brother. Their pretensions were equally neglected at his death; and Edward, his son, who had distinguished himself against Hastings, was chosen by the nobles as their king (1).

Ethelwold, one of the disregarded princes, in opposition to the decision of the Anglo-Saxon witena, aspired to the crown, and seized Wimburn, declaring that he would keep it or perish (2). But when the king advanced with an army against him, he fled, at night, to the Northumbrian Danes; and exciting their sympathy, was appointed their sovereign at York, over all their other kings and chiefs (3).

905.

By this incident he became formidable both to Edward and his people. The Northmen colonists, by occupying all Northumbria and East Anglia, independently of Edward, possessed one-third part of England; and if Ethelwold's abilities had equalled his ambition, or if Edward had been a weaker character, the Northmen might have gained the sovereignty of the island. But Ethelwold seems not to have long pleased his new subjects; for he was afterwards on the seas a pirate (4), and sailed to France in quest of partisans to distress the king (5). He returned with a great fleet, and subdued Essex (6); persuading the East Anglian Danes to join him, he entered Mercia, and ravaged as far as Cricklade. He even passed the Thames into Wessex, and plundered in Wiltshire; but the Anglo-Saxons not supporting him, he returned. The army of Edward followed him, and ravaged, in retaliation, to the fens of Lincolnshire. When the king withdrew, he directed his forces not to separate. The Kentish troops neglected his orders, and remained after the others had retired.

(1) A primatis electus. Ethelwerd, 87. He was crowned at the Whitsuntide after his father's death. Ibid.

(2) Sax. Ch. 100. Hen. Hunt. 352. Matt. West. 351. At Wimburn, he possessed himself of a nun by force, and married her. Ibid.

(3) Hen. Hunt. 352. Matt. West. 351. Sax. Ch. 100. Flor. 337. The king replaced the nun in her retreat.

(4) In exilium trusus pirates adduxerat, Malm. 46,

(5) Matt, West, 351,

(6) Hunt. 352, Sax, Ch. 100.

Ethelwold eagerly attacked them with superior numbers. The Kentish men were overpowered, but their defence was desperate. Their chiefs fell; and the author of the quarrel also perished in his victory (1). His fate released the island from the destructive competition; and a peace, two years afterwards, restored amity between the Anglo-Saxons and Anglo-Danes (2).

But war was soon renewed between the rival

910. powers. With his Mercians and West-Saxons, Edward, in a five weeks' depredation of Northumbria, destroyed and plundered extensively. In the next year, the Northerns devastated Mercia (3). A misconception of the Danes brought them within the reach of the king's sword. While he was tarrying in Kent, he collected one hundred ships, which he sent to guard the south-eastern coast (4), probably to prevent new invasions. The Danes, fancying the great body of his forces to be on the seas, advanced into the country to the Avon, and plundered without apprehension, and passed onwards to the Severn. Edward immediately sent a powerful army to attack them; his orders were obeyed. The Northerns were surprised into a fixed battle at Wodensfield, and were defeated, with the slaughter of many thousands. Two of their kings fell, brothers of the celebrated Ingwar, and therefore children of Ragnar Lodbrog, and many earls and officers (5). The Anglo-Saxons sung hymns on their great victory (6).

The event of this battle established the superiority of Edward over his dangerous neighbours, and checked the progress of their power. He pursued the plans which Alfred had devised for the protection of his throne. As the Danes possessed the north of England, from the Humber to the Tweed, and the eastern districts, from the Ouse to the sea, he protected his own frontiers by a line of fortresses. In the places where irruptions into Mercia and

(1) Sax. Ch. 101. Hunt. 352. Eohric, the Anglo-Danish king, fell in the struggle. Ethelwerd places this battle at Holme, 848. Holme in Saxon means a river island. In Lincolnshire there is one called Axelholme. Camd. 474. The printed Saxon Chronicle makes a battle at Holme in 902, besides the battle wherein Ethelwold fell; but the MS. Chron. Tib. b. iv. omits the battle in 902. So the MS. Tib. b. i. With these Florence agrees; and therefore the passage of 902, in the printed Chronicle, may be deemed a mistake.

(2) Sax. Chron. Matt. West. adds, that the king immediately afterwards reduced those who had rebelled against him: Et maxime cives Londonienses et Oxonienses, p. 352. In 905, Ealswythe, the widow of Alfred, died; and her brother, Athulf, an caldorman, in 903. Sax. Ch. 101. She had founded a monastery of nuns at Winchester. Mailros, 146.

(3) Sax. Ch. 102. Hunt. 352. The MS. Saxon Chronicles mention, that the English defeated at this time the Danes at Totanheale. Florence and Hoveden place this conflict and place in Staffordshire.

(4) Sax. Ch. 102.

(5) Flor. 340. Ethelw. 848. Sax. Ch. 103.

(6) Hunt. 353. Ethelwerd's account of Edward's battles have several poetical phrases, as if he had translated some fragments of these songs.